https://lamufutures.net Lamu Futures Thu, 30 Oct 2025 11:28:44 +0000 https://lamufutures.net en https://lamufutures.net/Landing-Page-Poem Tue, 06 Jun 2023 09:31:14 +0000 Lamu Futures https://lamufutures.net/Landing-Page-Poem Lamufutures “Indeed, truly, I shall enjoyYou are good, town of AmuYou have kind-hearted peopleWhom I treasure dearly. Their houses are adornedThey are truly beautifulThey possess abundant richesI am proud of them too. And the moon shines brightlyI follow tradition and customThey are famous workersOriginal inhabitants. Yes, it has a seaWith beautiful horizonsEspecially at dawnSatisfying to behold. Even when the sun setsThere's nothing to sayIt doesn't trouble the heartIt's witnessed by all.” “Hakika kweli nitamu Mui mwema hūnu AmuUna watu makarimuWalo nanjema twabiya. Zaamu nyumba zadariZilo wakwa kwa uzuriMbwawaamu utajiriNifakhari yake piya. Nao mui kunawiriNimila na dasturiZawakazi mashuhuriWenyeji waasiliya. Naamu ina bahariYenye mema mandhariHususan alfajiriHushibi kuyangaliya. Yuwa liwapo huzamaHapo sina la kusemaHuiliwaza mitimaYawenye kushuhudiya.” Lamu Poet Ustadh Mau&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp; https://lamufutures.net/About-project Thu, 17 Aug 2023 10:01:22 +0000 Lamu Futures https://lamufutures.net/About-project Lamufutures About 03/2023 - ongoing&nbsp; <img width="1004" height="836" width_o="1004" height_o="836" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/1256fa5e1c359e9a79ffe0171a0b82a79838f054d098f7a28b215965a54aa0d2/kenya-b-w.jpg" data-mid="190998390" border="0" data-scale="18" data-icon-mode src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/1256fa5e1c359e9a79ffe0171a0b82a79838f054d098f7a28b215965a54aa0d2/kenya-b-w.jpg" /> Lamu, Kenya Critical UrbanismsLamu Youth Alliance The ongoing implementation of the LAPSSET (Lamu Port, South Sudan, Ethiopia Transport) Corridor Project, one of the largest infrastructure projects in Africa, raises new questions and important debates about the urban and ecological future of Lamu, Kenya.&nbsp; These debates bring up both ancient and recent histories—about Lamu’s past as an important node of Indian Ocean trade and historical injustices since Kenyan independence. The future development of Lamu may hinge on how this inheritance is mobilised to negotiate local people’s stake in plans and projects from elsewhere. To grasp the Lamu yet to come, our work focuses on the perspectives, experiences, and aspirations of those inhabiting and transforming Lamu today. It is in their everyday lives and memories that we anchor important questions about heritage, development, security, and mobility. This collaborative research project is organised by Prof. Dr. Kenny Cupers and coordinated since 2024 by Dr. Maren Larsen from the Critical Urbanisms program at the University of Basel, in close collaboration with the Lamu Youth Alliance (LYA) and with the support of the Shungwaya Welfare Association, Lamu Museums, Sites and Monuments (NMK), Lamu Women Alliance, and Save Lamu. In 2023, the project brought together eight students from Basel and eight researchers from the LYA. In 2024, the project brought together twelve students from Basel, eight researchers from the LYA and four researchers from the National Museums of Kenya.In 2025, the project brought together seven students from Basel and seven researchers from the LYA. For the first time, research teams were composed exclusively of women. 2023 Cohort 25/03 - 5/05/2023 <img width="2048" height="1152" width_o="2048" height_o="1152" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/4e525ced33fc2b63184b264a33acaef025e2b9556b06337cf872ba18aa8afda5/2d35863b-75d1-40c6-bf87-2bc68d073142.JPG" data-mid="188170623" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/4e525ced33fc2b63184b264a33acaef025e2b9556b06337cf872ba18aa8afda5/2d35863b-75d1-40c6-bf87-2bc68d073142.JPG" /> Researchers: Ruth Lozi, Ahmed Adhan, Ambarin Sultana, Hajj Shee, Aziz Ali Shiekh, Florence Alder, Gadsiah Ibrahim, Maeva Yersin, Nancy Wachira, Nasir AbuBakr, Tanja Meier, Cristina de Lucas, Nasba Mohamed, Amina Omar, Munib Rehman, Isabella Pamplona. Organizers: Walid Ahmed, Abdul Hazeez Isaak, Nora Naji, Kenny Cupers Web Design: Isabella PamplonaContent Editing: Munib Rehman and Kenny CupersData Management: Gadsiah Ibrahim 2024 Cohort 25/03 - 5/05/2024 <img width="2048" height="1536" width_o="2048" height_o="1536" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/080f84443265dd20624aa42122aecbd6d0546bb17f8973b32f5250defa4728fb/2024GroupPhoto.jpeg" data-mid="226822747" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/080f84443265dd20624aa42122aecbd6d0546bb17f8973b32f5250defa4728fb/2024GroupPhoto.jpeg" /> Researchers: Ahmed Adhan Mahamud, Clara Louise Alder Juul, Erick Muteti, Henning Weiss, Janaina Marisa Caratsch, Khaula Mohammed Abdulqadir, Leo Witzig, Lilian Salama, Lion Henri Tautz, Marie-Jean Malek, Milena Astray Martinez, Mohammed Khalifa, Nadja Nievergelt, Nusrat Ahmed Ali, Olga Voiushina, Oliver Frayne, Rashid Aboud Bwana, Ridwan Obatade, Rukia Issa, Runzhu Qian, Ruth Lozi, Salwa Mahmoud, Ummi Haroun, Zeitun Abdallah. Organizers: Walid Ahmed, Maren Larsen, Kenny Cupers, Ruth Lozi. Web Design:&nbsp;Isabella PamplonaContent Editing: Maren Larsen 2025 Cohort 31/03 - 09/05/2025 <img width="1600" height="1200" width_o="1600" height_o="1200" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/a0488988e2eb555f15a49b3d2841616038eca3fc2e68e0ed8130325377c8a476/WhatsApp-Image-2025-07-18-at-11.18.02.jpeg" data-mid="240247402" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/a0488988e2eb555f15a49b3d2841616038eca3fc2e68e0ed8130325377c8a476/WhatsApp-Image-2025-07-18-at-11.18.02.jpeg" /> Researchers: Eleonora Balestra, Fatma Sayyid Athman, Hamda Fathi Mahmoud, Joëlle Martz, Khadija Bwanahamisi, Lilian Salama, Mara Pepine, Mwanamkuu Salim Bake Ali, Natalia Krikotina, Nusrat Ahmed Ali, Rebecca Martinez Rodrigues, Samira Muster, Svenja Jakob, Tefle Mohammed Muhaji. Organizers: Walid Ahmed, Maren Larsen, Lilian Salama, Kenny Cupers Web Design: Isabella PamplonaContent Editing: Maren Larsen, Francesca Romana Dell'Aglio <img width="1149" height="383" width_o="1149" height_o="383" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/388ee342a60783a080101c274034569115878725c3b5543df208daa3e1c20ea1/mcu-logo.png" data-mid="190763675" border="0" data-scale="5" data-no-zoom data-icon-mode src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/388ee342a60783a080101c274034569115878725c3b5543df208daa3e1c20ea1/mcu-logo.png" /> <img width="2353" height="649" width_o="2353" height_o="649" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/d301d70356f7e5966990ff8b56064ef963d64b1be873f131d7abeb01365c09ad/LAMU-YOUTH-LOGO-long.png" data-mid="190763683" border="0" data-scale="5" data-no-zoom data-icon-mode src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/d301d70356f7e5966990ff8b56064ef963d64b1be873f131d7abeb01365c09ad/LAMU-YOUTH-LOGO-long.png" /> <img width="300" height="234" width_o="300" height_o="234" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/40e16fce0e12f64a00cc521b85d763da761296c7915cd0e9c0e7e903bed5789b/Save-Lamu-FINAL-Logo-800x600-2.png" data-mid="190763713" border="0" data-scale="5" data-no-zoom data-icon-mode src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/300/i/40e16fce0e12f64a00cc521b85d763da761296c7915cd0e9c0e7e903bed5789b/Save-Lamu-FINAL-Logo-800x600-2.png" /> <img width="274" height="298" width_o="274" height_o="298" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/0ebe7c83bd212ae83aa919b7d2caddc952d5f5b5922963944222d7f1407fd77a/L3.png" data-mid="190763709" border="0" data-scale="5" data-no-zoom data-icon-mode src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/274/i/0ebe7c83bd212ae83aa919b7d2caddc952d5f5b5922963944222d7f1407fd77a/L3.png" /> <img width="665" height="693" width_o="665" height_o="693" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/8806a057800b1632dafd2da9d572854a0f7c1f0f0787a09b8f3d3be84bdf3326/shungwaya.png" data-mid="190763719" border="0" data-scale="5" data-no-zoom data-icon-mode src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/665/i/8806a057800b1632dafd2da9d572854a0f7c1f0f0787a09b8f3d3be84bdf3326/shungwaya.png" /> <img width="366" height="356" width_o="366" height_o="356" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/44f806393a0005108ea0a27e7726cf35c1fcee3a0c29356e32cca4fe10025370/lawa.png" data-mid="190763686" border="0" data-scale="5" data-no-zoom data-icon-mode src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/366/i/44f806393a0005108ea0a27e7726cf35c1fcee3a0c29356e32cca4fe10025370/lawa.png" /> <img width="769" height="436" width_o="769" height_o="436" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/e75694c1553173e634bc6b4ec0ca4a8e9d01a6ea48af26fe41fda0217c2c8d03/nat-mus-ken.png" data-mid="190763700" border="0" data-scale="5" data-no-zoom data-icon-mode src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/769/i/e75694c1553173e634bc6b4ec0ca4a8e9d01a6ea48af26fe41fda0217c2c8d03/nat-mus-ken.png" /> <img width="512" height="170" width_o="512" height_o="170" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/5ac2f451e17963c10fa7bf91adf3da22f9855a540ebd0e84b29da9cbe48aa03a/Universitat_Basel_2018_logo.svg.png" data-mid="190765110" border="0" data-no-zoom data-icon-mode src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/512/i/5ac2f451e17963c10fa7bf91adf3da22f9855a540ebd0e84b29da9cbe48aa03a/Universitat_Basel_2018_logo.svg.png" /> <img width="574" height="130" width_o="574" height_o="130" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/7447109382f12949502b7c6aa10a9a2d48f51a2c4180495f1886db95d8a2b83e/SNF_logo_standard_web_color_neg_f.png" data-mid="190763731" border="0" data-scale="5" data-no-zoom data-icon-mode src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/574/i/7447109382f12949502b7c6aa10a9a2d48f51a2c4180495f1886db95d8a2b83e/SNF_logo_standard_web_color_neg_f.png" /> https://lamufutures.net/Themes-Overview Tue, 18 Feb 2025 22:19:54 +0000 Lamu Futures https://lamufutures.net/Themes-Overview Lamufutures Themes overview https://lamufutures.net/Urbanisation-at-the-Margins Thu, 30 Oct 2025 10:20:55 +0000 Lamu Futures https://lamufutures.net/Urbanisation-at-the-Margins Urbanisation at the Margins How are the peripheral settlements of Kashmiri and Kandahari evolving, and what does this tell us about the power to shape the urban? Authors: Eleonora Balestra Hamdat Fathi Mahmud Fatma Sayyid Athman Joëlle Martz By adopting a historical lens, our research traced the stories and memories of those who have built and inhabited Kashmiri and Kandahari over decades of its incremental yet continuous urbanisation. These stories revealed the many ways in which residents navigate fragmented land tenure, engage in tacit negotiations with neighbours, and cope with the ambiguous status of their neighbourhoods within the frameworks of urban governance that are currently gaining relevance and capacity in Lamu. <img width="3072" height="4096" width_o="3072" height_o="4096" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/1bdaa5bf3771258ad03ca3dc9dae2b224f252dd653fb7fe775eade4b0a626a49/picture_theme.jpg" data-mid="240066656" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/1bdaa5bf3771258ad03ca3dc9dae2b224f252dd653fb7fe775eade4b0a626a49/picture_theme.jpg" /> “Some would term what is happening in these settlements as classical urban sprawl. There isn’t much order; the only authority present at that time were the original land owners, who allowed the people to settle there. The way they build is very different to the old town [...] these are the houses of their own dreams.” &nbsp; -&nbsp; Resident of Lamu Town affiliated with the National Museum of Kenya Constant tacit or explicit negotiations characterise informal urbanisation in Kashmiri and Kandahari, which stands in sharp contrast to the municipality’s practice of marking new structures that don’t fit regulatory norms with a bright red ‘X’. These visual markers point to tensions that result from growing enforcement capacities of rigid laws, recently published land-use plans, and broader development projects that mismatch more incremental, negotiated ways of urbanising.Urbanisation in these settlements is shaped by both necessity and hope for future recognition. Projects Urbanisation at the&nbsp;Margins&nbsp;#2501 Mutual Accommodation and its Temporalities: Lessons from Peripheral Urbanisation in Lamu Kashmiri and Kandahari, 2025 Joëlle Martz Download PDFOn my daily walks through the narrow streets of Kashmiri and Kandahari, I developed a little guessing game. Whenever I came across new red markings on bare, unplastered walls, I would try to guess what might have led the municipal surveyors to judge a particular building as failing regulations. Most of the time, I had barely a clue. But what grew from these regular observations of red X’s along my routes was a much more pressing question:How do the residents here, the people I had come to think of as neighbours, respond to the growing presence of local urban authorities? And how does this shape the production of urban space, which until now had been almost entirely in the hands of those who call this place home? <img width="1848" height="2424" width_o="1848" height_o="2424" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/7e4c6940e048824c49a0f0ceeb0a5b39a89a69fa50823add6ae26fb7ac53ede1/p2_donkeys.jpeg" data-mid="240102309" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/7e4c6940e048824c49a0f0ceeb0a5b39a89a69fa50823add6ae26fb7ac53ede1/p2_donkeys.jpeg" /> To this day, Kashmiri and Kandahari are shaped by self-building practices, but formal rules are starting to have a greater influence as the local government becomes larger and more effective in enforcing them. This research looks at how urban spaces are being shaped through the ongoing interaction between everyday building practices and official regulations. <img width="2977" height="2723" width_o="2977" height_o="2723" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/6117c66545be6f3c9ee51d7a1b7cfa407446531e6ba5258ff51cb091621c12dc/p1_X.jpg" data-mid="240102308" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/6117c66545be6f3c9ee51d7a1b7cfa407446531e6ba5258ff51cb091621c12dc/p1_X.jpg" /> In Kashmiri and Kandahari, it is common for people to build their own houses, either by constructing them themselves or hiring professionals. Hardly a day passes without the sounds of construction nearby or the sight of donkeys carrying sand or building blocks through the streets. Prominent urban anthropologist Teresa P.R. Caldeira has described what is happening here as “peripheral urbanisation.” She theorises it as more than just development at the physical edges of a city; rather, it is a mode of producing urban space that is driven by the agency of residents themselves. Tied to financial means and personal opportunities, this process is typically incremental and interacts with formal markets and governance systems in ways that cross and connect these seemingly separate spheres. Such relationships are often described as transversal. <img width="2475" height="1240" width_o="2475" height_o="1240" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/4cbfa844b09bda334bde3ba8e58067b8057a0709b3f52e7338a2e6055d06dc79/p3_transversal.png" data-mid="240102310" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/4cbfa844b09bda334bde3ba8e58067b8057a0709b3f52e7338a2e6055d06dc79/p3_transversal.png" /> “transversal” is something that moves sideways and thus crosses boundaries — between formal and informal, powerful and less powerful, official and unofficial worlds. Re-Engaging Informality To explore and describe the interactions between residents and local government, I chose to use the terms formal and informal — a distinction that many influential scholars have criticised for decades. Building on these critiques, this study takes a closer look at the complexities of informal spaces. The disenfranchised express a deep desire to live an informal life, to run their own affairs without involving the authorities or other modern formal institutions” (Bayat 1997, 53) It is important not to think of informality only as the opposite of official, state-defined rules, as it is more than the absence of such. It is an alternative form of social organisation. Flexibility, adaptability, and openness to negotiation may support people who are commonly excluded from formal systems. Though often connected to poverty, informality isn’t limited to people with low incomes. Middle-class people, too, increasingly live, work, and invest in informal spaces.Everyone can engage with informality; some have the privilege to do so quietly, while others carry that label openly on their shoulders. Tracing the&nbsp;In-Betweens The foundations of urban life in Kashmiri and Kandahari are built on informally subdivided land, where former shambas (Kiswahili for agricultural land) were split and sold by their owners. As urbanisation gradually built over the small path that once separated these plots, the municipal garbage truck, which used to pass through to reach the town’s main dumping site behind Kandahari, was forced to find new routes. Over time, a new path, commonly referred to as TakaTaka road (TakaTaka is a Kiswahili term for garbage), emerged there, where unequal opportunities to build left plots empty. Today, the municipality relies on this informally developed infrastructure, but it is mainly the residents who actively defend it. When someone attempts to lay a foundation for a new house on this road, others tend to whistleblow immediately. As a result, state enforcement is typically quick to show up at the construction site to intervene and halt construction attempts within hours. The case of the TakaTaka road shows how the formal system sometimes works with informal structures to help achieve its own goals, while people involved in informal activities may use formal rules to advance their interests. The way the TakaTaka road emerged is a good example of ‘mutual accommodation’ — a term used by urban scholar Carole Rakodi to describe how formal and informal actors work together to get access to land in African cities. My research shows that this idea also helps explain what’s happening in Kashmiri and Kandahari today. As formal and informal actors adjust to one another, they sometimes, whether intentionally or not, help to legitimise each other’s actions. This is how mutual accommodation takes shape. Listening to&nbsp;Urban&nbsp;Rhythms The people of Kashmiri and Kandahari have been shaping their neighbourhoods through mutual accommodation long before state institutions became involved in these areas. This study found that their incremental ways of building — a new wall here, a small extension there — make it easier for neighbours to adjust to one another over time. These slow, flexible timelines, shaped by gradual, adaptive, and sometimes opportunistic actions, allow people to create their own forms of acceptance and legitimacy, outside any formal rules or laws. In contrast, formal planning tends to arrive with strict, project-based timelines and fixed ideas about what should happen and when. These big projects rarely leave room for the kinds of everyday negotiations that allow residents to quietly accommodate one another. Without this slow process of adjustment, formal interventions can easily feel disruptive, even threatening, and often struggle to gain acceptance within the community. The frictions and accommodations evident today will shape the evolving relationship between state authority and resident agency in the future, as planning efforts continue to permeate the informal urban fabric of Kashmiri and Kandahari.&nbsp; <img width="4032" height="2268" width_o="4032" height_o="2268" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/bf5ffe7e22c4349d1f4b498b9f0e9ef422a3cbae963a27c54f8fc2887eba5d62/p4_housefronts.jpeg" data-mid="240102311" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/bf5ffe7e22c4349d1f4b498b9f0e9ef422a3cbae963a27c54f8fc2887eba5d62/p4_housefronts.jpeg" /> https://lamufutures.net/Women-Migration-and-Everyday-Life-in-Wiyoni Thu, 30 Oct 2025 11:03:24 +0000 Lamu Futures https://lamufutures.net/Women-Migration-and-Everyday-Life-in-Wiyoni Women, Migration and Everyday in Wiyoni How do (migrant) women in Wiyoni construct a sense of belonging and sustain their everyday lives? How are these actions further related to the social and physical dimensions of infrastructure? Authors: Svenja JakobTefle MohammedRebecca RodriguesLilian SalamaNatalia Krikotina Wiyoni is a new and rapidly growing settlement in Lamu, home to a diverse population of both long-time Lamu residents and newcomers. This theme addresses the broad meaning of infrastructure in the context of Wiyoni, with a particular focus on the combination of its physical and social dimension. One notable example is the planned road connecting Wiyoni to other parts of the island and the support networks that emerge within the community in response to its construction. <img width="1600" height="1060" width_o="1600" height_o="1060" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/70c35a1e021e79ead20d7323a34b5f7e3bfc794264567700337b37766e957113/WhatsApp-Image-2025-07-13-at-12.17.01.jpeg" data-mid="240071800" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/70c35a1e021e79ead20d7323a34b5f7e3bfc794264567700337b37766e957113/WhatsApp-Image-2025-07-13-at-12.17.01.jpeg" /> S. in front of her shop Many women in Wiyoni have migrated from other parts of Lamu County or the Kenyan coast in search of better economic opportunities for their families. However, migration often presents challenges, such as finding affordable housing, building new social connections, and overcoming the stigma of being an outsider. Despite these challenges, women remain prominent figures in Wiyoni's daily economy. They run small businesses selling juices, mahamri, ice cream, ice, and baobab snacks, and they also run cafes, beauty salons, and shops, catering to both their own needs and those of the community. <img width="1536" height="2048" width_o="1536" height_o="2048" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/2abaac7fc0af5547663124c6b23521bf07049dbbe02a23951914e3689139e574/WhatsApp-Image-2025-07-13-at-12.18.33-1.jpeg" data-mid="240107227" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/2abaac7fc0af5547663124c6b23521bf07049dbbe02a23951914e3689139e574/WhatsApp-Image-2025-07-13-at-12.18.33-1.jpeg" />M. and family preparing baobab snacks To understand the forces that shape life and business in Wiyoni, the research team interviewed local residents, including shop owners, community leaders, newcomers, as well as officials from the municipality. The findings highlight the challenges of accessing education, finance, infrastructure, social connections, and security, and reveal how women navigate these challenges to sustain their lives and livelihoods. <img width="1536" height="2048" width_o="1536" height_o="2048" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/8f5afe063ee5cc14143836f44024f4be548bf2424c357fe023615a1c8ef35b8c/WhatsApp-Image-2025-07-16-at-14.28.30.jpeg" data-mid="240071801" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/8f5afe063ee5cc14143836f44024f4be548bf2424c357fe023615a1c8ef35b8c/WhatsApp-Image-2025-07-16-at-14.28.30.jpeg" />H. making mahamri at home during an informal interview Projects Women, Migration and Everyday in Wiyoni #2502 The Challenges of Women-Owned Businesses in Wiyoni Wiyoni, Lamu, 2025 Natalia Krikotina Download PDFBefore going to Lamu, my own thoughts about how Islamic society is organised and the potential challenges for local women to develop businesses freely would flash through my mind like subliminal frames. Having had experience interacting with Muslim communities before, I understood the differences in our views and wasn’t sure I would be able to feel free there, both as a woman and as a white tourist/researcher. From the first days, immersing myself in the details of local life thanks to living with host families, the traditions and rules of relationships between men and women became clearer and clearer. <img width="4032" height="1960" width_o="4032" height_o="1960" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/05ba9fdd4e13cc819acbdc95b4576e3035551c28cb2ce56670f5663b240c8289/20250416_111715.jpg" data-mid="240104750" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/05ba9fdd4e13cc819acbdc95b4576e3035551c28cb2ce56670f5663b240c8289/20250416_111715.jpg" /> Understanding the local relationship system, I relaxed a little and sank into just “being,” trying to stay more in the here and now rather than in my thoughts. Having spent the first week studying Lamu for myself, we then moved on to interviews with local residents. We asked about infrastructural problems but we were met with indifference to this topic from local people. We returned to exploring other dynamics affecting Lamu Island and the Wiyoni area in particular. We walked along sandy roads washed out by the rain, talking to local women about life in Wiyoni. Most of them had moved here from other places; some were Muslim, others Christian. Trying to build their new lives here, these women face the fact that their families lack basic means to survive. They try to earn money to feed their children and give them an education that they themselves never had. After talking to a dozen women and looking around, we saw what we hadn’t noticed before – women sitting in front of their homes selling food, working, or running their small shops. But why had we not seen what had been shining right into our eyes this whole time, like a sunbeam reflected off a piece of glass? <img width="1960" height="4032" width_o="1960" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/f175242504b5f7b7e7e3a892e96e29255264966bbcb057cb7536e9e92c5392c1/20250416_102604.jpg" data-mid="240104747" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/f175242504b5f7b7e7e3a892e96e29255264966bbcb057cb7536e9e92c5392c1/20250416_102604.jpg" /> <img width="1960" height="4032" width_o="1960" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/41b6bc403ea6b48f9c7b0decf13c77a9c3953235e6cd6460d1b41f74d7b6a63d/20250416_102819.jpg" data-mid="240104748" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/41b6bc403ea6b48f9c7b0decf13c77a9c3953235e6cd6460d1b41f74d7b6a63d/20250416_102819.jpg" /> In Islamic society, a woman’s traditional role has been to care for the home and raise the children. Women still spend most of their time at home and when they run a business, it is often located at home or nearby. Women are “hidden” from strangers’ eyes, yet are an important part of Wiyoni’s social infrastructure. The Covid-19 pandemic, which led to many divorces and a change in views on traditional family structure and household duties, challenged women to become more independent. Analysing the knowledge we gained after several weeks of research, it became clear that women’s difficulties in Wiyoni are linked not only to Islam’s definitions of a woman’s place as interpreted in Lamu, but also to broader social changes. A lack of formal education, distrust in the state system, and, as a result, missed opportunities to seek support from organisations helping women’s businesses work together to create unique barriers for women-owned businesses.<img width="4032" height="1960" width_o="4032" height_o="1960" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/42f536f0b9a2a109ec4d3663f2e0ff952c391a25aef73abf671a57706250806a/20250416_110339.jpg" data-mid="240104749" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/42f536f0b9a2a109ec4d3663f2e0ff952c391a25aef73abf671a57706250806a/20250416_110339.jpg" /> While researching and trying to understand Wiyoni’s uniqueness in terms of women-owned businesses, I began wondering: is this case really unique in a global context? Studying works on Black feminism and feminism in general makes it clear that discrimination against women because of their gender, skin color, race, and social class is a pattern repeated on many pages of history. The struggles of building a business as not only a woman but also a newcomer to a community are deeply permeated with centuries of fighting for rights, facing discrimination, and striving for a brighter future. Yet, facing these challenges again and again, women coming with their families to live in Wiyoni continue their path, no matter what. Women, Migration and Everyday in Wiyoni #2503 Kupatikana si Kukubalika:&nbsp; Belonging, Informality, and Moral Navigation Among Migrant Women in Wiyoni, Lamu Wiyoni, Lamu, 2025 Rebecca Rodrigues Download PDFDuring a walk to Wiyoni, I noticed that one of the local people I had interacted with before was wearing her veil differently; in addition to her usual hijab, she was also wearing a niqab. Curious, I asked why. The answer came with gentleness, care, and a certain discomfort: she didn’t want to be recognized or associated with Wiyoni. At first, I didn’t fully understand why. But as we talked more about it, I began to grasp (even if not explicitly) an unease in her words: a discomfort with how people from Wiyoni were perceived. She described them as “modern,” influenced by outside customs, with different behaviors; almost as a threat, a stain on the expected moral conduct, or something that endangered tradition. <img width="654" height="1060" width_o="654" height_o="1060" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/38909b7cf65441fd8f752716fea13f1dd3a4616f7fa5459427315db511e6302a/Wyioni_Walking.jpeg" data-mid="240107229" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/654/i/38909b7cf65441fd8f752716fea13f1dd3a4616f7fa5459427315db511e6302a/Wyioni_Walking.jpeg" />Research team&nbsp;during&nbsp;fieldwork&nbsp;in&nbsp;Wiyoni Being associated with that neighborhood, or with the people who lived or circulated there, was a risk to her reputation within her own community. And in Lamu, community is one of the most valuable things a person can have. Beyond one’s immediate family, the community includes religious leaders, childhood friends, and neighbors — people you're taught from a young age to respect and keep close. It represents an extended network of financial, emotional, social, familial, and religious support;&nbsp; fundamental for belonging and success on the island: whether to get a job, to receive help in times of need, to secure housing, or to form a family. In some way, this discomfort with the “new” or the “different” also echoed within the internal dynamics of this year’s research group, composed of researchers from UniBasel and LYA. During the last week, some local researchers shared their impressions, and it became clear that maintaining a relationship with us, foreign researchers, felt like walking a fine line. They enjoyed the company and accessed spaces they normally wouldn’t frequent, such as cafés, restaurants, interviewees’ homes, hotels, and more. Yet, at the same time, they felt a certain tension about what their families and the community might think. As different and external, we could represent a risk of moral influence. A possible departure from local norms and traditions. It was in this friction, between visibility, belonging, and exclusion, that I began to perceive a deeper tension in Lamu, within the community and, beyond it, among its residents. Belonging in the local community was not a given, not even for those born there or connected through friendship or faith. There were subtle limits and unofficial but widely understood rules that determined who could occupy certain spaces, under what conditions, and when it was acceptable to slightly cross the line. <img width="1060" height="1600" width_o="1060" height_o="1600" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/e9a4d71bc3c2c4eda6fbe05d7f4495414fc4e79f26bac7a0f3ed050c2a634652/WhatsApp-Image-2025-07-13-at-12.17.00-1.jpeg" data-mid="240107225" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/e9a4d71bc3c2c4eda6fbe05d7f4495414fc4e79f26bac7a0f3ed050c2a634652/WhatsApp-Image-2025-07-13-at-12.17.00-1.jpeg" />Members of the research team interviewing a local business owner in Wiyoni That was the starting point of my seminar paper. Not a grand revelation, but a persistent discomfort perceived and observed. Something that repeated itself and resurfaced. I began to realize that everyday decisions, which I call performances, inspired by Sarah Hillewaert, such as what to wear or which route to take to a neighborhood, were not made solely on an individual basis, but also as deliberate actions in relation to others’ gazes, public opinion, and unspoken rules. Reflecting on the daily experiences of the women in our research group, most of whom are originally from the island, and the impact of these dynamics on their lives, I shifted my focus to understand how such issues affect migrant women. In this context, Wiyoni proved to be a key place for this observation, as it is where most people from other parts of the country are concentrated on Lamu Island. As a migrant, I recognize that moving involves profound changes in daily life and in how one envisions the future. However, my own migratory experience may differ significantly from that of the women in Wiyoni, whose motivations, circumstances, and contexts are distinct from mine. Therefore, when addressing social codes and forms of belonging in Lamu, especially in Wiyoni, it is essential to emphasize that these are specific contexts with their own dynamics that cannot be generalized to all migratory experiences. This diversity shows that the concept of “migrant” encompasses multiple realities, making it necessary to understand the specificities of each group in order to grasp the complexity of their trajectories. That said, it is possible to affirm that social codes vary everywhere, but I developed a particular curiosity about how these codes manifest in Lamu and, above all, in Wiyoni, where the senses of belonging were unfamiliar to me and had different complexities and carried different meanings. For example, as a Brazilian living in Switzerland, I have had to adapt to certain local norms. However, most of the time, I do not feel obliged to behave “like a Swiss woman” and I believe I do not perform as such. The consequences of this, and the impact it has on my life, perhaps affect me less or matter less to me. But in Wiyoni, migrant women navigate codes that, if not followed, can compromise their support networks as well as their emotional, social, and even material security. Of course, in any context, there are always individuals who, despite being aware of local social expectations, consciously choose not to follow them, and this is also a legitimate way of being. This is the case, for example, of the women who run the Wiyoni pub, who intentionally position themselves outside these rules, embracing the risks and possibilities that this stance entails. This theme of non-belonging and adaptation to local rules came up repeatedly in our interviews with migrant women living in Wiyoni. They occupy the most sensitive and vulnerable edge of this social “chain.” <img width="2048" height="1536" width_o="2048" height_o="1536" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/3d5e0c38536a38e84f6cafbd82f8eb296790bf9580ec7ede558424d328753a64/WhatsApp-Image-2025-07-13-at-12.18.33.jpeg" data-mid="240107228" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/3d5e0c38536a38e84f6cafbd82f8eb296790bf9580ec7ede558424d328753a64/WhatsApp-Image-2025-07-13-at-12.18.33.jpeg" />Local pub in Wiyoni The question that has guided me since then is: how do these women (migrant, observed, scrutinized) construct a sense of belonging in a place that so often denies them legitimacy? How do they show the community whether they are (or are not) conforming to social norms? Throughout the research, I realized that belonging in Wiyoni is constantly negotiated: never full, never guaranteed. For migrant women, this process is even more complex: beyond adapting to the material demands of life in a new place, they must also learn to navigate social codes that are often unknown or challenging. Instead of seeking adherence to local norms (which are often exclusionary) many of them build alternative forms of belonging through horizontal alliances, informal exchanges, mutual support, and selective visibility. These practices compose a kind of social infrastructure that doesn’t appear on official maps but sustains life in Wiyoni. It is made of relationships, care, silent agreements; an everyday engineering that challenges the formal frameworks of institutional urbanism and reveals the strength of women as infrastructural agents. At the intersection of vulnerability and agency, these women create small shifts at the boundaries of moral acceptability. Some perform respectability as expected; others publicly push against those limits and invent new ways of being. These performances (at times strategic, at others spontaneous) are not merely individual, but collective and situated. They draw a different moral cartography, in which belonging is not granted, but claimed. By observing these dynamics, I came to understand that urban life in Wiyoni cannot be read solely through material infrastructures or official plans. It unfolds in the rhythms of everyday life, in the silences of interviews, in moments of self-censorship and rupture. It is in that space, between the visible and the invisible, that the city is made. And it is there that migrant women, with all their ambivalence, courage, and performance, sustain urban life. Women, Migration and Everyday in Wiyoni #2504 Infrastructural Assemblages in Wiyoni Wiyoni, Lamu, 2025 Svenja Jakob Download PDFThe first connection one commonly makes with “infrastructure” is often physical, as the urbanist AbdouMaliq Simone describes (2004: 407). The physicality of infrastructure should also be understood in terms of that which is built by humans. This category then includes things such as roads, electricity networks, or ports. Field research in the neighbourhood of Wiyoni started from this point: inspired by the Kenya Informal Settlements Improvement Project (KISIP), I started to analyse the physical infrastructure of Wiyoni. KISIP plans to improve roads, street lights, and the sewage system in Wiyoni, as local interlocutors explained. However, being in the field and talking to the people who live in Wiyoni, we quickly realised that “infrastructure” consists of many more layers than these visible, physical objects. There are different social relations that are not visible at first sight, especially not as an outsider like the students from Unibas who don’t know about the cultural dynamics of the place. From there on, I started looking out for “social” infrastructures during the field research. Social infrastructure includes relations people have with their neighbours, family and friends, and strangers, on an individual scale, as well as relations on the scale of the neighbourhood, the community elders (representatives of the neighbourhood), and towards the municipality, county government, or KISIP representatives. Often, “physical” and “social” infrastructure are understood as separate from each other. This project critically reflects on this dichotomy and argues that they are indeed connected and influence each other. The many layers that “infrastructure” consists of form the place of Wiyoni and the daily lives of the residents. The project aims to shed light on this assemblage of different types of infrastructures, on understanding the making of Wiyoni, and to think of infrastructure as more than a human-built object. Promises of Infrastructure <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/4db3dff1cf5700433fa4c9b470278f953579df083e0c7280a3b850afd540ed17/IMG_9258.jpg" data-mid="240107972" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/4db3dff1cf5700433fa4c9b470278f953579df083e0c7280a3b850afd540ed17/IMG_9258.jpg" /> Street light built&nbsp;through&nbsp;KISIP How physical and social infrastructure is connected and influenced is visible in the example of the KISIP project. One wish from the Wiyoni community, as well as the initial plan of KISIP, was to improve the neighborhood’s street lights. They built one tall street light in the center, about 15 meters high, consisting of nine light bulbs. In that sense, the physical infrastructure was built and a promise kept. However, the light is not addressing the needs of the people, as it only lights up one small part of the neighbourhood. The physical infrastructure has an influence on how people move after dark, and further influences social ties, such as when and where to meet. One request by the community that has not yet been addressed by officials is a market. People in Lamu usually buy fresh food (vegetables, fruits, meat, fish), usually at the market, which is located in the Old Town. The market is also a place of social interaction. Many women we talked to in Wiyoni expressed their desire for a market in Wiyoni in order to not have to go to the Old Town to buy the food. This is another example of a physical infrastructure that is tied to social interactions, as the market would not just provide people with food but also foster social relations as a place of gathering and simplify daily life by having easier access to products. Furthermore, it would allow more people in Wiyoni to have a business that could contribute to one’s income. Social Ties In our field research we mainly talked to women, as they were the focus of our research theme. Women doing business is another form of social infrastructure: First of all, women need customers to sell their products (such as baked snacks and sweets). If they know many people in the neighbourhood, it is easier to sell. Additionally, if they are well-connected to other women, they have easier access to the merry-go-round. This is a collective fund in which women regularly pay a small amount of money. One after the other, each then receives a certain amount of money from the fund to invest in her business. This in turn contributes to the physical facilities of the neighbourhood, if a woman, for example, enlarges her store. Time and Nature A large part of Wiyoni consists of reclaimed land. In the 1990s, sand was extracted from the canal between Lamu Island and the mainland to enlarge the canal. Sand was put over the mangrove forest. Many buildings in Wiyoni are built on this land. The soil is eroding, which causes challenges for the building of houses and especially for sewage and water systems. These challenges further influence the daily lives of the residents, some of whom expressed their wish for improved access to water and sewage systems. Infrastructures are thus tied to the environment and, even though human-built, not separated from nature. Drawing on the work of geographer Andrew Barry (2016), the earth and soil is the infrastructure that physical, human-made infrastructure is constructed on. Furthermore, the dimension of time shows, on the one hand, the transience of infrastructure, as nature (i.e. eroding soil) or material infrastructure can be demolished over time. On the other hand, it sheds light on how infrastructure is always in progress. Wiyoni is home to a variety of houses: at times painted buildings, at times only basic walls and a door. Infrastructure is incomplete in the sense that it is an ongoing process: building new objects, negotiating projects and needs, getting to know new people and, perhaps, letting go of others. <img width="4032" height="2268" width_o="4032" height_o="2268" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/15ddc21340ee6ce77246752e897fb2010e5efec3be3c045db296a5e27bd6349a/20250424_162418.jpg" data-mid="240107961" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/15ddc21340ee6ce77246752e897fb2010e5efec3be3c045db296a5e27bd6349a/20250424_162418.jpg" />Wiyoni from Above: Buildings located on reclaimed land in different stages of construction. Uncovering Wiyoni’s Infrastructures This project shows the layers of infrastructure that together form Wiyoni: human-built objects, relationships between people on different scales, the environment, and the dimension of time. It enables the reader to reflect on one’s personal relations to infrastructures, things that one might take for granted but emerge out of a process of social and political negotiation, power structures, and environmental circumstances. https://lamufutures.net/The-Space-Between-Work-and-Prayer Thu, 30 Oct 2025 11:28:44 +0000 Lamu Futures https://lamufutures.net/The-Space-Between-Work-and-Prayer The Space Between Work and Prayer Where do working Muslim women pray outside the domestic space?&nbsp;And how do their prayer practices manifest spatially in Lamu? Authors: Nusrat Ahmed AliKhadija BwanahamisiMuanamkuu Salim Bake AliSamira MusterMara Pepine Times are changing in Lamu. One of these changes is that women increasingly work outside of their homes. Islam teaches that it is most rewarding for a woman to pray at home and traditionally, Lamu women have largely stayed inside the home. But this does not apply to everyone. Nowadays, an increasing number of Muslim women play an active part in the economic life of the city. So, when the adhan is heard from all directions in Lamu town and their male colleagues go to the mosques to pray, where do these women go? Our investigation also revealed how the different levels of assertiveness and claim-making on the part of the Muslim working women result in a variety of spaces being made available for prayer – from the storage cupboard to the female mosque. By exploring these spaces, we uncovered underlying connections between gender, culture, faith, labor conditions, and the spatial expansion of Lamu Town.&nbsp; <img width="4000" height="6000" width_o="4000" height_o="6000" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/ce2924d1c35b3e5e11ca4496eafd8fa857b7c4f88f9f2538803db6b5d765905b/Ablution.JPG" data-mid="240070424" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/ce2924d1c35b3e5e11ca4496eafd8fa857b7c4f88f9f2538803db6b5d765905b/Ablution.JPG" /> Taking ablution in the Women’s Mosque As an all-women research team, we were able to explore how these Muslim women assert their presence in the city through newly emerging places of prayer and how the female embodied practice of Islam enables working Muslim women to shape and in turn be shaped by the spaces they inhabit.<img width="4000" height="6000" width_o="4000" height_o="6000" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/6cb88fec6712fbbe641a351241665d391dbd3a4b22ad55009d19bf6d85f356a3/Mosque.JPG" data-mid="240070427" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/6cb88fec6712fbbe641a351241665d391dbd3a4b22ad55009d19bf6d85f356a3/Mosque.JPG" />Entrance to Raudha&nbsp;Women’s Mosque Projects The Space Between Work and Prayer #2505 Faith and Gender Consolidating Spaces in Lamu, Kenya Lamu, 2025 Mara Pepine Download PDFWhen investigating the topic of working Muslim women in Lamu, questions surrounding the lack of female mosques were answered time and time again with one word: “culture.” What is culture? And how is it different from religion? These are the questions on which I have built the theoretical framework that underpins my exploration of female religious practices outside of domestic space in Lamu Town. <img width="4000" height="6000" width_o="4000" height_o="6000" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/5b34d816ea9f9d6cdce39ea5c4fd9f4ac4ba6467cb8dee612e1393edf393d680/R0006935.JPG" data-mid="240102999" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/5b34d816ea9f9d6cdce39ea5c4fd9f4ac4ba6467cb8dee612e1393edf393d680/R0006935.JPG" /> “Most women in Lamu are not used to going to the mosques because of the culture” – Abubakar &amp; Hassan, imams “We’re fighting with culture and religion.”– Raya Famau, LWA (in regards to women empowerment) “Swahili people (women) do not use the mosque for prayer”&nbsp;&nbsp;– Usthada Asya, teacher and radio moderator (regarding Swahili culture) Due to an unstable and declining economy on the one hand, and a higher level of education on the other, more and more Muslim women are joining the workforce. In anticipation of the mega infrastructural project LAPSSET, the town is expanding, both in size and population.&nbsp;In this context, for many working Muslim women, praying at home is no longer a viable option.&nbsp; Theoretical Framework The theoretical framework I am using lies at the intersection of three concepts: heshima, embodied piety, and respectability politics. In the Lamu context, heshima is of vital importance; literally “respectability” in Swahili, it represents the unspoken moral code that runs through the Swahili community. Theorized by the anthropologist Sarah Hillewaert as a “relational and performative network” (a system of behavior codes that apply to one’s role in the community and the mutual relationships between members), heshima relies heavily on Islamic values and morals, without, however, being one of the teachings of Islam. The way heshima functions in the Lamu context is very reminiscent of “respectability politics.” This concept, theorized by Evelyn B. Higginbotham in the U.S. context of African-American women and adapted to an African feminist perspective by Sylvia Tamale, refers to the strategies used by women to attain legitimacy in a patriarchal environment, by exercising social control over each other’s bodies and behavior. In order to avoid the pitfalls of binary oppression-liberation narratives, I also introduce Saba Mahmoud’s concept of embodied piety. The anthropologist reframes agency not as resistance to norms, but as the ethical cultivation of the self through religious practices. Through this lens, the actions and choices undertaken by the women of Lamu in regards to their preferred spaces of prayer become proofs of agency and self-determination under the prevalent moral system, defined by the respectability politics of heshima. <img width="4000" height="6000" width_o="4000" height_o="6000" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/b3a22af62b83a4f7da1d4ca6d183d9e74c681e550f9da9a6827d869647915052/R0006976.JPG" data-mid="240103000" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/b3a22af62b83a4f7da1d4ca6d183d9e74c681e550f9da9a6827d869647915052/R0006976.JPG" /> Prayer and Spatial Negotiations: Women’s Strategies in Daily Life I apply this theoretical framework in order to reveal the socio-cultural reasons behind some of the more prevalent choices among Muslim working women in Lamu about where to pray. For instance, the choice to pray at home during lunch breaks has two underlying reasons: the Islamic prescription that teaches that women receive more spiritual rewards by praying at home and the more practical reason of having domestic responsibilities, like preparing lunch for the children. This is where the spatial expansion of the town comes into play, as urban development becomes a hurdle in the most heshima-elevating prayer practices that working Muslim women can engage in. With longer distances and unreliable means of transportation, women can no longer easily go home on their lunch break to pray for dhuhr, the midday prayer. As such, they employ various strategies. Some visit the homes of relatives or friends that live closer to their place of employment, whereas others pray directly at their workplace, with a growing minority preferring to pray in the one accessible and adequate female mosque: Raudhwa Mosque. The Role of Mosques Generally, women pray in a mosque more often during Ramadan, as there are fewer domestic duties during the day, due to the fasting, which allows women to congregate en-masse in female mosques. Outside of Ramadan however, only one female mosque fulfills all the criteria to be properly used. In February 2025, Raudhwa Mosque opened its female section which, despite its small size, is bright, clean, and equipped with everything that women might need to fulfill their religious duties. It is also, as opposed to other mosques that have or have had a female section, conveniently located on the Seafront within walking distance from most workplaces that employ Muslim women. Raudhwa Mosque, however, is not perfect; most of the time it is locked and only a select few have a key and thus access to the building. Despite their popularization campaign, the mosque is still largely unknown by the women working within a radius larger than 100 meters. <img width="4000" height="6000" width_o="4000" height_o="6000" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/c9eb183fead2d67e24392133ec498593851b7b6f4c0c066a92892652573422d1/R0007526.JPG" data-mid="240103001" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/c9eb183fead2d67e24392133ec498593851b7b6f4c0c066a92892652573422d1/R0007526.JPG" /> The Culture-Religion Vicious Circle: Why Women Don’t Pray in Mosques The lack of female mosques in Lamu and the lack of visitors to those mosques reveals a vicious circle that proliferates at the intersection of religion and culture. Islam professes that it is more rewarding for a woman to pray at home and historically, most women did not leave the domestic space for prolonged periods of time. As such, it has become a part of the culture that women do not pray in mosques, which has been used as the reasoning behind the meager offering of female sections. The lack of appropriate space, in turn, makes women prefer the comfort and familiarity of their domestic space, further entrenching the idea that Muslim women in Lamu simply do not pray in mosques. “Swahili people (women) do not use the mosque for prayer” – Usthada Asya, teacher and radio moderator (regarding Swahili culture) Improvised Sacredness: Prayer in the Workplace <img width="4000" height="6000" width_o="4000" height_o="6000" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/c6ecae30b28fc2d083b0dfbfd8cee42df2c14c49cafdeb5be2b6befdae311f94/R0007537.JPG" data-mid="240103002" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/c6ecae30b28fc2d083b0dfbfd8cee42df2c14c49cafdeb5be2b6befdae311f94/R0007537.JPG" /> When praying outside of a domestic space, we can see women’s religious practices as a form of embodied piety, a way to express their agency in an environment that does not cater to them. Workplace prayer spaces are rarely institutionalized and thus often improvised. Offices, storage rooms, and the back rooms of shops take on a religious function through the act of prayer. However, these spaces, not being designed for such a function, are often lacking: too small, not clean enough, and occasionally without the proper ablution facilities. &nbsp;Regardless of their shortcomings, these improvised prayer spaces represent a way for women to appropriate and transform them in accordance with their religious needs, thus becoming an act of religious self-cultivation. The Space Between Work and Prayer #2506 Micropolitics of Prayer Gendered Contestations of Urban Space in Lamu, Kenya Lamu, 2025 Samira Muster Download PDF “How do Muslim working women’s prayer practices challenge the gendered cityscape of Lamu, fostering new female spaces of worship and increasing women’s presence in public areas?” This research started from an interest in women’s spaces of prayer. While Muslim men usually pray five times a day at one of the 42 mosques in Lamu Town, Lamu’s Muslim women habitually pray in their homes. The recent increase in Muslim women engaging in non-domestic work is changing this. I was curious to first understand where the idea that women should pray at home comes from. From there, I was then trying to learn about these women's motivations for participation in the structural workforce and the changing needs that come with it. Lastly, I was looking at the way the practice of religion plays into this dynamic and the spatial manifestations of it. In Swahili society, someone’s position in the social hierarchy used to be defined by their wealth, descent, and heshima (respectability). Having heshima is roughly defined by factors such as behaving respectfully and being a good Muslim. What that means in practice, though is constantly renegotiated amongst the members of Swahili society.&nbsp; An increased emphasis on heshima in the beginning of the last century led to the seclusion of women becoming a status symbol for the family. The effects of this practice had a substantial impact on the position of women in the public sphere, which is still palpable in Lamu today. Many places in town, especially the bigger streets, squares, the Seafront, and many workplaces, continue to be male-dominated, which leads women to either avoid them or navigate them with precaution. For a long time, women were also discouraged from pursuing higher education. “Most women in Lamu are housewives. My mom didn't go to school. […]. In the past, Lamu girls didn't go to school, only the boys did. The common assumption was that the girl child is there for marriage. This was the culture.” – Young Woman from Lamu Today however, changes in Lamu’s economy and the rising level of education in women have led to their increased participation in the non-domestic workforce.
 Working, for many of them, is much more than just a way to make money. It became clear to me that it is also a means to gain some independence and to open life paths beyond marriage and domestic duties. Through the insights of Belgian anthropologist Sarah Hillewaert’s study of Lamu’s youth, we also understand that these women see working, especially in NGOs and aid organisations, as contributing to development and therefore to the wellbeing of the town and its residents, contributing to their heshima. At the same time, by joining the workforce, and with their increased presence in the streets and workplaces, Muslim women challenge the ever-present, unwritten rules of heshima. However, religion remains central in many of their lives, contradicting a western view of secularisation as a liberating element. For most of the women we spoke to, there was no doubt that they would continue their salat (the practice of their five daily prayers) when working. Scholars like John R. Bowen describe the Muslim daily prayers as one of the most visible aspects through which Muslims distinguish themselves from other religions, but also from one another and their varying degrees of religious observance. It therefore comes as no surprise that women in Lamu also employ their own religiosity to show that a practicing Muslim, a person with heshima, can also come in the form of a working woman. <img width="5138" height="3426" width_o="5138" height_o="3426" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/66ec222ecf72e307a1e768b4604cd9b77dda849756e78c5c2d6a637278b1cac1/Office1.JPG" data-mid="240104219" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/66ec222ecf72e307a1e768b4604cd9b77dda849756e78c5c2d6a637278b1cac1/Office1.JPG" /> A prayer room inside an office The increased participation of Muslim women in Lamu's formal workforce is not merely an economic shift but a transformation of the city's social and spatial dynamics. As these women navigate the complexities of work and religious observance, they challenge traditional norms of heshima and redefine the gendered nature of public spaces. Their commitment to maintaining their daily prayers while engaging in non-domestic work emphasises the intricate relationship between gender, religion, and urban space. Through their everyday practices, these women are not only asserting their place in the city but also reshaping its urban fabric. The creation of new prayer spaces, from ad-hoc solutions to dedicated women's mosques, materializes their evolving needs and aspirations. My research highlights the importance of acknowledging and adapting to these transformations to cultivate more inclusive and equitable urban environments. The “micropolitics of prayer” utilized by these women stand as a compelling illustration of their agency and determination, embodying the continuous evolution of societal norms within Swahili society. “The opening of the women’s Mosque made me feel seen.”–&nbsp;Working woman regularly praying at Raudha <img width="6000" height="4000" width_o="6000" height_o="4000" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/67cf40687b31c7412cf97a5a5d178152cf09be55ba9a55b083fa1c2fe2146258/Raudha_Outside.JPG" data-mid="240104257" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/67cf40687b31c7412cf97a5a5d178152cf09be55ba9a55b083fa1c2fe2146258/Raudha_Outside.JPG" /> Outside Raudha Women’s Mosque <img width="4000" height="6000" width_o="4000" height_o="6000" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/1ee0ec9819140f707494b464e9a93781dfc9714e768d975531cb62a1e8890408/Mkunguni.JPG" data-mid="240104197" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/1ee0ec9819140f707494b464e9a93781dfc9714e768d975531cb62a1e8890408/Mkunguni.JPG" /> Lamu’s Mkunguni&nbsp;SquareWhile some women go back to their homes at prayer time, through Lamu’s growing spatial expansion and the further distances, this is not always possible anymore, which leads to a new need for prayer places for women close to their workplaces. I read the women’s everyday practices of working and especially praying in the city as acts of “micropolitics,” a term first coined by French philosopher Michel de Certeau in 1984, and taken up by Yasminah Beebeejaun, Professor for Urban Planning from the University College London. She appeals to planners to pay attention to women’s everyday actions and read them as acts of ‘micropolitics,’ to inform their planning and create more just cities for all genders. In the context of Lamu and other cities of the Global South, where the role of planning is distinctly different from a Western context, I argue that women’s ‘micropolitics of prayer’ negotiate symbolic but also physical space with the community and religious leaders. From small ad-hoc prayer spaces like a storage cupboard to more institutionalised spaces like the mosque dedicated to women, the material impact of this negotiation is manifold. The most prominent form of it is certainly the new creation of a mosque just for women, which enjoys great popularity amongst working Muslim women, but also serves travelling women as a temporary refuge in a city where there are not many other public spaces dedicated to women. <img width="1365" height="2048" width_o="1365" height_o="2048" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/39ceabc3010bb47b54c4cea1aa6dd4e55ebbf708924a8a5ea048f02c726e5e06/Raudha_Inside.jpg" data-mid="240104240" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/39ceabc3010bb47b54c4cea1aa6dd4e55ebbf708924a8a5ea048f02c726e5e06/Raudha_Inside.jpg" />Inside Raudha&nbsp;Women’s Mosque https://lamufutures.net/Mpishi-Hula-Moshi Tue, 22 Oct 2024 12:30:24 +0000 Lamu Futures https://lamufutures.net/Mpishi-Hula-Moshi Mpishi Hula Moshi How is food a creative medium that articulates Lamu’s oscillating relationships between bodies, places, and time? Authors: Nusrat Ahmed Ali&nbsp; Ummi Haroun Marie-Jean Malek Olga Voiushina Oliver Frayne A proverb from Lamu that translates as “the cook eats smoke” highlights the hardships of cooking and the fact that the fruits of the cook’s labor are meant for others.This theme traces the stories of food on Lamu Island, where different actors use food as a method to navigate daily challenges, leverage their status, and negotiate gender advantages and social connections by exploring new business opportunities. Food has become a technology to access earning opportunities for those previously left out, hence reimagining and recreating urban spaces. We examine how this access shapes the uniqueness of Lamu's food culture, fostering value exchange both materially and culturally. This sustains a connection to traditions while providing hope for a future that may or may not be tied to the food business. <img width="2688" height="4032" width_o="2688" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/9df9ac7a81a862cdf82762f8b9df5793994f905e39afa490fb1264a12d06c33b/IMG_9534.jpg" data-mid="220124051" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/9df9ac7a81a862cdf82762f8b9df5793994f905e39afa490fb1264a12d06c33b/IMG_9534.jpg" /> Projects Mpishi Hula Moshi #2401 Mpishi Hula Moshi Lamu, 2024 Marie-Jean Malek Olga Voiushina Download PDFFood Methodologies With a diverse group of five researchers differing in age, gender, and cultural background, we began by reflecting on our positionality as individuals from various parts of the world. Starting with a simple task of cooking and sharing meals together as team members, food preparation and consumption initiated our journey in order to better connect and understand each other and the focus of our research. This approach aimed to immerse ourselves in local culinary practices and traditions and, depending on our sensory perceptions shaped by the immediate surroundings, to guide and inform our interpretations. The practice of collaborative research has allowed us to better "cook" our research interests, which lies in understanding how food, as an absolute good for all living organisms, entails practices in a social environment that varies from culture to culture. <img width="1240" height="877" width_o="1240" height_o="877" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/f1c204225f817d0b4c1a4214a190729de7e80da52d4fc1cdc786e58bb807f9a8/002_Lamu-Food-Map.jpg" data-mid="221881277" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/f1c204225f817d0b4c1a4214a190729de7e80da52d4fc1cdc786e58bb807f9a8/002_Lamu-Food-Map.jpg" />Lamu Foodscape Journey: Mapping Six Weeks of Food Stories Foodscapes are defined by the food practices that create the character of a place. As we were collecting food stories, a map of our research path was developed covering the stories of recipes, ingredients, tools, challenges, and opportunities embodied in the processes of preparing, selling, sharing, and eating food on a daily basis. Lamu Food Stories A Space for Aspiration - Farzana’s Story <img width="3024" height="2117" width_o="3024" height_o="2117" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/ca7237ab255ba55a602e622aba0ade0df65651b20561fc06e626afd573950dab/003.jpg" data-mid="221881296" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/ca7237ab255ba55a602e622aba0ade0df65651b20561fc06e626afd573950dab/003.jpg" /> Farzana’s kitchen is a cramped, three-square-metre space with no windows or ventilation. It serves as both a workspace for household duties and a small business, with shelves packed with tools for every cooking need. Her equipment blends traditional and modern: a multi-cooker for speed, a gas oven for power cuts, and a charcoal burner as a backup. Limited by space, her tools spill into other rooms. For Farzana, cooking is both a duty and a creative outlet. She personalizes meals with secret ingredients, adapts broken tools, and tries TikTok-inspired recipes. Cooking lets her care for her family’s health and gives her a rare space for self-expression, constrained by cultural traditions in Lamu. Her investment in modern tools reflects her desire to ease her domestic load and expand her small food business from home, symbolizing a broader tension between tradition and modernity where personal and professional aspirations meet.This dual pursuit - seeking efficiency in household chores while aspiring to economic activities centered on the home space reflects a larger picture in Lamu. It is a nuanced balance between tradition and modernity a negotiation of space where personal and professional aspirations converge. Biryani Night -&nbsp;The Story of Many Hands for One Dish <img width="3577" height="2504" width_o="3577" height_o="2504" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/1fa299e227141d5aa0a9a3474f727efb54d2259f7a19c264cbc9278b5a2e8132/004.jpg" data-mid="221881857" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/1fa299e227141d5aa0a9a3474f727efb54d2259f7a19c264cbc9278b5a2e8132/004.jpg" /> In our journey to unveil the different scales and spaces of food-making, the preparation of wedding food marks a traditional festivity rich with socio-cultural stories and connections. In a one-night setup to prepare biryani, a traditional wedding meal, an often invisible social infrastructure comes to life where private and commercial aspects merge while maintaining the societal hierarchy. In this setup, the top supervisory roles were held by the adult men of the family, who oversaw the preparations. Below them were two paid chefs from Mombasa, assisted by younger male family members or, in wealthier families, hired helpers. The most basic tasks were assigned to women, who were close family members or friends. Biryani preparation becomes a rare and valuable opportunity for women to connect and socialize away from their daily lives, which are still shaped by strict social norms and extensive domestic responsibilities. The community hall nonetheless transforms into a space for women to breathe, engage in self-making, and bond socially through chanting, dancing, and small conversations around food trays. Lost Recipes, Lost Connections - A Recipe’s Story <img width="1631" height="1142" width_o="1631" height_o="1142" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/20c0ff0237b78c457634694518fdc08d69165ea1848141263f52fcc45250e9ef/005.jpg" data-mid="221882041" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/20c0ff0237b78c457634694518fdc08d69165ea1848141263f52fcc45250e9ef/005.jpg" /> With our desire to explore Lamu's traditional dishes through hands-on learning, we focused on local, typical ingredients that require simple preparation. Bananas, coconut, and sugar seemed simple in theory but led us to discover the creativity and variety employed by locals to create two distinct dishes: Mazu (or Ndizi za Nazi), a familiar dessert for Lamu residents, and Mboko, a fading recipe at risk of being forgotten. What began as a goal to exchange knowledge, practices, food, and joy within our group evolved into recording one of many unwritten food archives that are gradually disappearing, along with the stories of the women who invented and once cooked these dishes. A Space of Experimentation - Asma’s Story <img width="2966" height="2076" width_o="2966" height_o="2076" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/23b28d7c86b36ed9d3b2bcea41e813b48ebbd78a8201a2892d7e13e506801ba3/006.jpg" data-mid="221882069" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/23b28d7c86b36ed9d3b2bcea41e813b48ebbd78a8201a2892d7e13e506801ba3/006.jpg" /> Carrying on her family’s heritage in the food business and driven by a desire to have a self-independent work, Asma—fondly known as “Mama Ntilie” by those who visit her small outdoor kitchen—introduces a new dimension of Lamu food stories. For 24 years, her corner of the street witnessed her innovations in the Lamu food business, demonstrated by the arrangement of her cooking platform to accommodate both the family business and her customers’ needs. The display of her cooking tools, the preparation of the jiko for a live cooking experience, and the promotion of various homemade dishes on her small table—some made by other women in the family— all contribute to transforming the place into a warm and comfortable dine-in experience for repeated customers, embodying the genuine warmth and hospitality of a true ‘Mama Ntilie.’ A Space of Resilience - Fahita’s Story <img width="4032" height="2822" width_o="4032" height_o="2822" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/0c4216e3b29c102cba9f134f2e7a3f982c9619c5c8346651ad9a8c6cd140f686/007.jpg" data-mid="221882261" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/0c4216e3b29c102cba9f134f2e7a3f982c9619c5c8346651ad9a8c6cd140f686/007.jpg" /> We approached Fahita to learn more about her mahamri, by some accounts the best mahamri in town. In a quiet, narrow alley blackened from years of wood smoke, Fahita makes mahamri each day. She buys the ingredients from the same place—she has her person. She cuts and shapes them here, but the dough is mixed off-site at her in-laws' shop, where they have a standing mixer suitable for larger amounts of dough needed for her small mahamri business. We learn that one aspect that makes this mahamri popular is that they taste, look, and feel homemade—something that gets lost in commercialized baking. The steps of mahamri making start inside the house—shaping the triangular mahamri, rolling a small disc, and cutting it into quarters, which are then stacked and set aside. Fahita then moves outside to her usual corner to start the frying. As she begins frying she becomes quiet. The dough triangles are tossed into the oil; they inflate and become a dark orange-gold before being turned out into a colander to drain off excess oil. Fahita says a small prayer each time she fries another batch. We depart with hot mahamri wrapped in newspaper advertising discounts on electronics. Exhibition The stories and characters featured on this page became part of an exhibition at the Lamu Fort Museum in May 2024, where the collaborative work was shared with the people of Lamu. A folded map served as a key to the exhibit, allowing visitors to journey from story to story - not only within the exhibition but also to discover these places and people throughout the city. <img width="2963" height="2963" width_o="2963" height_o="2963" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/cd856632669b4eb20cfa13a7e544d7729f7e92bd52318da9e50596ec1ffee7b5/012.jpg" data-mid="221882533" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/cd856632669b4eb20cfa13a7e544d7729f7e92bd52318da9e50596ec1ffee7b5/012.jpg" /> By gathering recipes, stories, and symbolic objects, the exhibition aimed to show how food bridges the global and local, uniting past traditions with modern technologies, personal expressions with collective identities. Through preparing, sharing, and enjoying food, it becomes a creative medium that reimagines the connections between bodies, places, and time. <img width="3024" height="3024" width_o="3024" height_o="3024" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/80a4507ae0f850b4f27a353a7f7eb2f61fc8dff3aca4300a0d3aab61e045bd6f/011.jpg" data-mid="221882513" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/80a4507ae0f850b4f27a353a7f7eb2f61fc8dff3aca4300a0d3aab61e045bd6f/011.jpg" /> <img width="2796" height="2795" width_o="2796" height_o="2795" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/84a101e74bb3f19ae28fd2732a583c7a5b3dc309df7b61235adf74379cc5b706/010.jpg" data-mid="221882511" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/84a101e74bb3f19ae28fd2732a583c7a5b3dc309df7b61235adf74379cc5b706/010.jpg" /> <img width="3024" height="3024" width_o="3024" height_o="3024" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/eba9c6f3d2da61f5897da83b61ac44daab834e8a677cf2cf1b836d7a7730b15e/008.jpg" data-mid="221882335" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/eba9c6f3d2da61f5897da83b61ac44daab834e8a677cf2cf1b836d7a7730b15e/008.jpg" /> <img width="2749" height="2749" width_o="2749" height_o="2749" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/8206901036f2a3b413848712112da9e50163b4a8aa8f53ff66b04244252ffc28/009.jpg" data-mid="221882461" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/8206901036f2a3b413848712112da9e50163b4a8aa8f53ff66b04244252ffc28/009.jpg" /> <img width="3024" height="3024" width_o="3024" height_o="3024" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/6ffc908d02add9212db4b0ff506c3344386b2466c21f8576b068d2c8571bfe0b/013.jpg" data-mid="221882534" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/6ffc908d02add9212db4b0ff506c3344386b2466c21f8576b068d2c8571bfe0b/013.jpg" /> https://lamufutures.net/Mama-na-Bahari Tue, 22 Oct 2024 18:44:49 +0000 Lamu Futures https://lamufutures.net/Mama-na-Bahari Mama na Bahari “Mama na Bahari” investigates the transformative role of women in Lamu’s fishing industry, particularly through their involvement in projects like sustainable octopus closures. It asks, how do social identities and the community roles of women in Lamu evolve through their engagement in the fishing industry? How do gender dynamics and cultural practices influence women's roles and participation in environmental conservation efforts in Lamu, Kenya? By examining these initiatives and women’s activism, our research highlights how women’s participation is reshaping community structures, redefining, and challenging traditional roles. These sustainable practices not only enhance environmental conservation but also elevate women’s standing within the community, contesting long-held gender norms.&nbsp;<img width="1600" height="1066" width_o="1600" height_o="1066" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/f29db82114e90572bbc50d7cf239d454dda91fc4db8b8c94e8dd8610774298cc/WhatsApp-Image-2024-11-08-at-14.02.43---Milena-Astray.jpeg" data-mid="221914029" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/f29db82114e90572bbc50d7cf239d454dda91fc4db8b8c94e8dd8610774298cc/WhatsApp-Image-2024-11-08-at-14.02.43---Milena-Astray.jpeg" /> The research underscores the pivotal contributions of women in fostering economic adaptability and environmental stewardship in Lamu. Through these initiatives, women become agents of change, reshaping local perceptions of gender roles and actively contributing to Lamu’s socio-economic landscape.&nbsp; This project offers a comprehensive view of how women are reimagining their place within the fishing industry, interweaving the intersections of gender, economy, and environmental sustainability to build a more inclusive and empowered future. <img width="1600" height="1065" width_o="1600" height_o="1065" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/90969dbfcff8178cf8b3c7307aaaf049fef60de9c81d69577f851e8b34e37e55/WhatsApp-Image-2024-11-08-at-14.00.36---Milena-Astray.jpeg" data-mid="221914059" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/90969dbfcff8178cf8b3c7307aaaf049fef60de9c81d69577f851e8b34e37e55/WhatsApp-Image-2024-11-08-at-14.00.36---Milena-Astray.jpeg" /> Projects Mama na Bahari #2406 Sustainable Futures: Mama na Bahari at the Intersection of Gender Justice and Climate Action in Lamu, Kenya Lamu, 2024 Milena Alicia Astray Wolff Download PDFIntroduction This project investigates the intersection of Islamic feminism, decolonial feminism, and environmental justice in Lamu, Kenya, with a focus on women’s roles in environmental conservation and social justice within the fishing industry. Using an intersectional approach, it highlights the complex socio-cultural and economic barriers that shape women’s experiences, revealing the ways in which gender, environment, and power are interconnected. <img width="852" height="1280" width_o="852" height_o="1280" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/db2af67fb49530927fe28e5fda247e58b219243245a401a7985e3b93b7824b38/Boot---Milena-Astray.jpg" data-mid="221913932" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/852/i/db2af67fb49530927fe28e5fda247e58b219243245a401a7985e3b93b7824b38/Boot---Milena-Astray.jpg" /> Through interviews, group discussions, participatory observations, and literature review, the study emphasizes the critical role of women in addressing climate-related challenges, such as droughts and floods, which disproportionately impact their lives and livelihoods. The Mama na Bahari exhibition serves as a central element of the research, demonstrating the significant influence of women’s conservation efforts and their contributions to both the environment and society. Findings suggest that environmental justice in Lamu cannot be achieved without gender justice, and this paper advocates for an integrated approach that combines both. Sustainable Futures Women in Lamu’s fishing industry face numerous challenges, particularly those exacerbated by climate change. These include not only environmental pressures like rising sea levels and unpredictable weather patterns but also socio-cultural restrictions that limit their mobility and participation in the industry. The paper documents that women, who are often responsible for household duties, are more vulnerable during environmental crises. During floods, for example, women’s caregiving roles increase their exposure to danger, limiting their ability to seek safety. Moreover, health risks for women are amplified, as climate change contributes to increased incidences of stillbirths and diseases such as malaria and Zika. The intersection of these issues underscores the urgent need for gender-sensitive policies that recognize the unique vulnerabilities faced by women. <img width="1280" height="852" width_o="1280" height_o="852" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/dfd30c49c9ef711c706b9c04117ca050d5f6bd57cd434b334b2041d9c9ccbfd3/WhatsApp-Image-2024-11-08-at-13.50.59-2---Milena-Astray.jpeg" data-mid="221913985" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/dfd30c49c9ef711c706b9c04117ca050d5f6bd57cd434b334b2041d9c9ccbfd3/WhatsApp-Image-2024-11-08-at-13.50.59-2---Milena-Astray.jpeg" /> Local organizations, such as the Lamu Women Alliance, play a vital role in supporting women in overcoming these barriers. They advocate for what they call a “girl code” of solidarity to counter political and social challenges, including harassment and exclusion from decision-making processes. The need for comprehensive educational programs and greater support from both governmental and non-governmental organizations is also highlighted, particularly programs that incorporate indigenous knowledge and are sensitive to local cultural values. The Faza Youth Action Group similarly addresses historical injustices, aiming to amplify marginalized voices and promote equal inclusion. The contributions of these groups emphasize that gender equality is essential for achieving environmental justice in Lamu, where socio-cultural and economic limitations have historically restricted women’s participation in sustainability efforts. The research explores decolonial and Islamic feminist frameworks to understand how colonial legacies and religious principles influence environmental policies and gender norms in Lamu. Decolonial feminism critiques the enduring effects of colonialism, capitalism, and imperialism, challenging global structures that perpetuate inequality and exploitation. By valuing indigenous knowledge and amplifying marginalized voices, this perspective seeks to dismantle oppressive systems and promote self-determination for women in Lamu. Islamic feminism, in turn, provides a framework for advancing gender justice within the context of Islamic principles, allowing women to engage in conservation and leadership roles without directly challenging religious beliefs. &nbsp; For instance, the following statement from an interviewee of the Faza Youth Action Group reflects how women differentially challenge social and religious structures: “We can fight the culture because that was made by humans. We can challenge humans, but we cannot challenge God.”&nbsp; Initiatives In addition to these feminist perspectives, this research illustrates how women-led initiatives are essential to sustainable development and social justice. Community projects such as coral reef restoration and octopus closures are examples of how environmental sustainability and economic independence are intertwined. Women in these initiatives challenge traditional gender roles, contributing both financially and socially to their communities while promoting ecological balance. Education is central to these efforts, fostering awareness of environmental issues and reinforcing women’s capacity to advocate for their rights. <img width="816" height="542" width_o="816" height_o="542" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/fa71b1ed690a2d875d2d925cafc65cfa570748233dac0d3aca5ec906a21cf939/WhatsApp-Image-2024-11-08-at-14.37.19---Milena-Astray.jpeg" data-mid="221913935" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/816/i/fa71b1ed690a2d875d2d925cafc65cfa570748233dac0d3aca5ec906a21cf939/WhatsApp-Image-2024-11-08-at-14.37.19---Milena-Astray.jpeg" /> The research finds that women’s involvement in Lamu is often defined within cultural contexts; as one member of the Lamu Women Alliance described, empowerment means “changing the way of life to the culture.” Similarly, the Faza Youth Action Group observed that the empowerment process has elevated women’s self-worth and expanded their roles within the community. Such culturally specific understandings of empowerment align with decolonial feminism’s goal to respect local values and resist external influences. The interconnections between gender, religion, and culture thus shape women’s leadership and environmental activism in complex ways. The gendered division of labor and women’s disproportionate vulnerability to climate change highlight the importance of integrating gender perspectives into environmental justice. Community-led aspirations for environmental conservation align with economic activities, enabling women to develop strength and self-sufficiency. &nbsp;However, while women bear many responsibilities in their roles as primary caregivers, they often lack formal recognition and support. Local women’s knowledge, rooted in their cultural heritage and everyday experiences, is invaluable in promoting sustainable practices, as illustrated by their roles in conservation initiatives and traditional fishing practices. The research emphasizes that sustainability and social justice must go hand in hand, particularly in the context of women’s contributions to environmental conservation in Lamu. Participants frequently echoed the sentiment that&nbsp;“There is no climate justice without gender justice,” &nbsp;underscoring that sustainability efforts must be inclusive to be effective. The Lamu Women Alliance advocates for integrating these principles into environmental policies to address gender-specific challenges and ensure women’s participation in leadership roles. The study illustrates that women’s voices are essential to sustainable development.<img width="1280" height="852" width_o="1280" height_o="852" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/c736108a5e37426d8bdbafece50148eec1143958dc82d98d6fa43d68b63077a0/WhatsApp-Image-2024-11-08-at-13.53.31---Milena-Astray.jpeg" data-mid="221913940" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/c736108a5e37426d8bdbafece50148eec1143958dc82d98d6fa43d68b63077a0/WhatsApp-Image-2024-11-08-at-13.53.31---Milena-Astray.jpeg" /> Conclusion This research underscores the importance of integrating gender justice with environmental sustainability, advocating for policies that support women’s roles in conservation and address the socio-cultural barriers they face. Women’s leadership in Lamu demonstrates the transformative potential of decolonial and ecofeminist frameworks, which challenge global structures of inequality and foreground indigenous knowledge and local empowerment. These findings illustrate that achieving environmental justice requires acknowledging and addressing gendered inequalities, recognizing women as key contributors to environmental preservation and community resilience. Through their collective efforts, women in Lamu not only contribute to the local ecosystem but also foster a more equitable and sustainable future for their community. This research offers valuable insights for policymakers, highlighting the need for inclusive approaches to environmental justice that respect cultural identities and promote gender equity within sustainability practices. <img width="1600" height="1065" width_o="1600" height_o="1065" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/2a01df1af645d65dbfce99b00d627af97712a5b2719b5ffb93d3bbaaa29e8ada/WhatsApp-Image-2024-11-08-at-14.02.28---Milena-Astray.jpeg" data-mid="221913945" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/2a01df1af645d65dbfce99b00d627af97712a5b2719b5ffb93d3bbaaa29e8ada/WhatsApp-Image-2024-11-08-at-14.02.28---Milena-Astray.jpeg" /> Mama na Bahari #2407 Mama na Bahari: An Analysis of the Involvement of Women in the Fishing Industry in Lamu, Kenya Lamu, 2024 Janaina Caratsch Download PDF This research project examines the role of women in the fishing industry on Lamu Island, Kenya, where men typically dominate the field. Women primarily engage in fish processing and, in some cases, specialize in octopus fishing. Their involvement challenges traditional gender norms within the culturally conservative, Muslim-majority society of Lamu.&nbsp;This project explores how these women navigate traditional boundaries, how cultural expectations shape their participation, and the socio-economic impacts of their contributions. <img width="3760" height="5648" width_o="3760" height_o="5648" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/a6c689c4cc540d340dcb2e9704c397efd6b10c576d978b0248af7c086d6835de/PICT000003-Kopie---Janaina-Caratsch.JPG" data-mid="221913991" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/a6c689c4cc540d340dcb2e9704c397efd6b10c576d978b0248af7c086d6835de/PICT000003-Kopie---Janaina-Caratsch.JPG" /> Context and objectives The fishing industry in Lamu is vital to the community. Fishing is traditionally seen as men’s work, particularly deep-sea fishing, which is physically demanding and requires specialized skills.&nbsp; Women’s participation has been largely restricted to shore-based activities like fish processing, trading, and small-scale, near-shore fishing, such as octopus harvesting. This gendered division reflects deep-rooted cultural norms and Islamic teachings, which influence gender roles in Lamu. My central research question is: “What factors and societal values influence women’s participation in the fishing industry in Lamu?” The study’s objectives include understanding the cultural and religious norms that shape women’s work, examining the challenges they face, and assessing their economic contributions to their communities.<img width="1667" height="1110" width_o="1667" height_o="1110" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/043b199b83c36383e752ab351e704ec57805eb130a7e62d6246b7a9909823f4d/PICT000004-Kopie-negate-07---Janaina-Caratsch.JPG" data-mid="221913992" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/043b199b83c36383e752ab351e704ec57805eb130a7e62d6246b7a9909823f4d/PICT000004-Kopie-negate-07---Janaina-Caratsch.JPG" /> Findings The findings reveal that women in Lamu’s fishing industry operate within a framework heavily influenced by cultural and religious expectations. Women’s roles remain largely tied to household responsibilities and shore-based fish processing, a key activity known locally as Mama Karanga, which aligns with conservative Islamic perspectives that assign distinct responsibilities to each gender. Furthermore, in certain areas, especially octopus fishing, women fish independently, staying closer to shore and working among themselves. The economic importance of octopus fishing has led some community elders to accept women’s involvement due to the financial benefits it brings. Women’s involvement in the fishing industry is influenced by economic necessity, particularly due to limited employment options on the island. The fishing industry however, faces significant economic and environmental challenges. Inadequate infrastructure, like the lack of cold storage facilities, complicates fish preservation and affects women’s incomes. Environmental issues, including the LAPSSET project, have also impacted fish availability, with pollution and changing marine conditions reducing catches and creating additional economic pressures on women.Empowerment, as perceived by these women, is nuanced and community-oriented. Through initiatives led by organizations, women receive training and access to resources. Many interviewees expressed a sense of agency from their work, noting that financial independence helps them support their families and contribute to the community.<img width="1667" height="1110" width_o="1667" height_o="1110" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/656312fb5992651cf1b98df6ea96c9ffb24f939016e7dd14defad22dc75d68df/PICT000004-Kopie-negate-15---Janaina-Caratsch.JPG" data-mid="221914016" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/656312fb5992651cf1b98df6ea96c9ffb24f939016e7dd14defad22dc75d68df/PICT000004-Kopie-negate-15---Janaina-Caratsch.JPG" /> Empowerment is evident in the women’s ability to make household decisions and engage in collective action to address community issues, such as marine conservation. Despite the influence of Western perspectives on empowerment, the local women’s concept is rooted in Nego-feminism (Nnaemeka 2004), a form of African feminism that emphasizes negotiation and harmony rather than confrontation. For example, many women continue to balance their fishing activities with traditional roles, such as caring for children and managing household duties, in line with conservative expectations. Women like Mama Pweza, an octopus fisherwoman, embody this approach by working in groups, thus respecting cultural norms about gender-appropriate activities while still advancing economically. At the same time however, women’s increasing visibility and agency create tensions within the community, particularly regarding traditional expectations. Some men and elders disapprove of women’s involvement in fishing, fearing it disrupts social structures. It is said: “wazee wanasema wanawake wamekuwa kichwa ngumu”, which means “Elders say women have become stubborn”. However, the acceptance of economically beneficial activities, like octopus fishing, shows that traditional norms in Lamu can be flexible when financial incentives are evident. Conclusion This study illustrates how women in Lamu balance economic empowerment with traditional roles, navigating a complex social landscape shaped by cultural norms and economic necessity. They leverage resources and opportunities within the framework of Islamic gender norms, achieving a form of empowerment that aligns with African feminist ideals of collective welfare. <img width="1667" height="1110" width_o="1667" height_o="1110" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/5cd1e2fb8d23ac0083d94f32e8afc7f375f9a7b61f45793998b47a5a61d33be5/PICT000004-Kopie-negate-08---Janaina-Caratsch.JPG" data-mid="221914025" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/5cd1e2fb8d23ac0083d94f32e8afc7f375f9a7b61f45793998b47a5a61d33be5/PICT000004-Kopie-negate-08---Janaina-Caratsch.JPG" /> Although women face significant challenges, they contribute substantially to their families and communities by adapting traditional roles to new economic contexts.This research underscores the need for culturally sensitive empowerment initiatives that respect local customs while providing meaningful support. Ultimately, the women of Lamu are redefining empowerment on their terms, blending traditional values with economic strengths in ways that contribute positively to their community’s socio-economic and environmental sustainability. https://lamufutures.net/Ways-of-living-with-the-Lamu-Archipelago Tue, 22 Oct 2024 15:59:43 +0000 Lamu Futures https://lamufutures.net/Ways-of-living-with-the-Lamu-Archipelago Ways of Living with the Lamu Archipelago Today the Lamu Archipelago is undergoing a period of change, where land and sea converge under the influence of local and global forces. These transformations affect the ways in which the community live with their near environment, as well as more distant surroundings in various ways. Our research aims to capture this evolving landscape through a blend of voices and perspectives, highlighting key themes: Promises and Pitfalls of the Blue Economy;Changing Performance of Fisheries in Amu;Experience and Sense-Making of Climate Change;&nbsp;Relations to Nature in Times of Crisis;Archipelagic Stories of Spirituality; and&nbsp;Managed Mangroves.&nbsp;Each perspective reflect the Lamu’s ongoing dialogue, rooted in both tradition and adaptation, as it faces environmental, social, and economic changes. Authors Leo Witzig Lilian SalamaLion TautzClara Alder Juul Rukia IssaRunzhu Qian Projects Ways of Living #2402 “I can read dua in Lamu and cure you in Dubai”: On the Transoceanic Circulation of Spirits Lamu, 2024 Clara Alder Juul Download PDF This proejct reflects on how spirituality circulates through spaces in Lamu, and what spiritual practices tell us about the islands’ transoceanic ties to other ports cities in the Indian Ocean. “I can read dua in Lamu and cure you in Dubai,” Hashid told me one evening during my fieldwork in Lamu, after explaining the various methods he uses as a healer (mtabibu), to cure people of being overcome by spiritual forces (Field notes 25.04.2024). We sit in the living room of his home in Lamu Old Town. The room offers a tranquil and undisturbed space for our conversation, with the exemption of his two-year-old daughter, who at times seems fairly displeased that I take up her father’s attention. Despite her young age, it occurs to me that she is somehow aware of her father’s expertise, and conscious that I, a complete stranger, have come to her home to learn. The general term for a spiritual force in Lamu is jinn (jinns or majinni in plural). There exist good and bad jinns. The good jinns do not disturb humans, while it is believed that the bad jinns bring all sorts of misfortune to people. The process of being “taken over” or “put out of control” by a spiritual force is conceived as spirit possession or dispossession. This is where Hashid’s profound knowledge of spirituality is most evident, as he has the ability to free people from spirit possession. As a mtabibu, he carries a jinn, that together with his religious faith, serves as a guiding force in his treatments: “I have religion in one hand, and the jinn in the other” he states, and hands me his medical license issued by the social services. Due to Lamu’s maritime connections to other nations in the Indian Ocean, the advent of Islam has led to an enduring influence on the cultural history of the port city. This research presents a study of spirituality on Lamu Island through a relational lens. For this, I ask the following questions: How does spirituality circulate through spaces in Lamu and across geographies? And how are we as urban scholars to squeeze meaning out of these practices? Reducing spiritual practices to fears or explanatory rationales dismisses their depth and embeddedness in Lamu society, and the ways in which people relate to other urban sites in the Indian Ocean through spirituality. I consider relationality the starting point of connections across space and situate Lamu at the nexus of studies on spirituality (Larsen 2009, 2014; Ballarin 2009; Giles 2018; Uimonen &amp; Masimbi 2021) and urban maritime literature (Menon et al. 2022, Mahajan 2022, Lavery &amp; Hofmeyr 2020 Pugh 2013, Glissant 1997) to show how spirituality in Lamu creates an archipelagic space of connections between distant urban locales, that are both geographical, bodily, and more-than-material. The first part of my study delves into the link between spirituality, water, and people, and shows how my interlocutors embody the island’s history of connectedness through spiritual practices around water (Meier 2017; Kosgei 2021). Interactions with tides reveal a deep spiritual connection to the sea, where tidal movements are seen as sacred and imbued with cleansing powers. Through rituals, Hashid uses the ebbs and flows as a medium to engage with spirits, invoking prayers to channel divine forces of the sea for protection and healing. Hashid’s practices connect him to a broader cultural and historical tapestry, reflecting an embodied spiritual relationship that links Lamu to other Indian Ocean communities. After converging around the watery quality of spirituality in Lamu, I extend the analysis to a focus on the fringe between water and land as being a specifically dense spiritual space (Mahajan 2022; Kucher 1995). After converging around the watery quality of spirituality in Lamu, I extend the analysis to a focus on the fringe between water and land as being a specifically dense spiritual space (Mahajan 2022; Kucher 1995). My interlocutor Yunus’ memory of a spirit encounter near the main jetty of Lamu Old Town highlights the jetty’s unique role as a liminal space, where the boundary between water and land holds spiritual intensity and guides social behaviour.&nbsp;The materiality and the social relations played out around the jetty-space extends Mahajan’s concept of "archipelagic relationality". The second part of my study explores the translocal nature of jinns in Lamu, and challenges the dichotomy between human and spiritual identities, suggesting a more integrated and archipelagic relationship between the worlds. Hasid’s recalling of his friend Issa’s possession by a Russian-speaking jinn exemplifies Ensing Ho's (2006) concept of "local cosmopolitanism.” I argue that this concept extends into the spiritual realm, where jinns also embody the junctures of local and global influences, which offers a critique of Larsen’s argument (2024) that the spiritual and human world are considered separate, though they are intertwined. I rather propose that spirituality in Lamu is regarded an inseparable part of the human world. &nbsp; The last and third part proposes that modernity offers alternative ways of practicing spirituality in Lamu (Meier 2017). This argument is further deepened by a comment to Dilip Menon’s argument that migration across the oceanic distances creates a scale of its own (Menon et al. 2022: 8).&nbsp; Based on Hashid’s remarks “I can read dua in Lamu, and cure you in Dubai”, I suggest spirituality as a scale of it own. The last and third part proposes that modernity offers alternative ways of practicing spirituality in Lamu (Meier 2017). This argument is further deepened by a comment to Dilip Menon’s argument that migration across the oceanic distances creates a scale of its own (Menon et al. 2022: 8).&nbsp; Based on Hashid’s remarks (“I can read dua in Lamu, and cure you in Dubai”), I suggest spirituality as a scale of it own. Spirituality as a scale of its own creates alternative connections between spatial, temporal, emotional and socio- political elements and provides a pathway to think space less as a surface to move on or a scene for cultural practices or beliefs, and more of a medium to think about felt connections. By exploring the role of jinns on Lamu Island, my study reveals the role of spirituality in Lamu as a means of cultural and historical relationality to the wider Indian Ocean world, where multiple spiritual practices intersect. Together they create an archipelagic space of connections between Lamu and distant urban locals that are both geographical, bodily, and more-than-material, demonstrating that spirituality circulates through numerous spaces in Lamu and across the Indian Ocean as process and result of many relations at a time. Ways of Living #2403 Mangroves Lamu, 2024 Runzhu QianDownload PDF We were on the boat, the sky was blue and the clouds were white. I saw a lot of mangroves above the sea, like soldiers protecting the coast. Slowly darkness fell, and the forest became as silent as the dark night. They are so mysterious, beautiful, and reliable, and it is said that elves live in them. I don’t want to talk about elves here. I want to consider their future. Mangroves, which are a natural and cultural element of heritage in Lamu, have received a lot of attention due to the industrialization and urbanization of Lamu. Many institutions are trying to protect and restore them, such as the KFS (Kenya Forest Service), CFAs (Community Forest Associations), NGOs, and local communities. What is the relationship between these institutions? What is the relationship between mangroves and local people? And are mangroves effectively protected?&nbsp; This project focuses on the relationship between mangrove conservation groups, people, and mangroves themselves. The aim is to answer the following question: What kind of restoration method can better ensure that mangroves are effectively passed on to future generations as natural and cultural heritage? If we still have a little compassion for the remaining species, if we really put ourselves in the middle of them, we will understand that animals and plants are as alive as humans. Based on existing research and inspired by Calkins’ “empathy with plants”(2020), this project has preliminarily and poetically explored which of the several existing restoration methods is more conducive to restoring the mangroves themselves and restoring people’s relationship with them. Lifestyle Work at sunrise and rest at sunset. People pray, people sing. Children and donkeys are crying from time by time. However, you do not feel noisy at all, You feel that, this is life itself. The boat drifting with the sea, The starry sky in sight. Houses in the distance, Waves close by, Chatty backpackers. All tell the stories...&nbsp; <img width="625" height="469" width_o="625" height_o="469" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/76795311abb8e66dea8b48e64dc8b36c0ae0d0aed7d0a7b4c7fd89ce4cc4eb08/img48.jpg" data-mid="221927206" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/625/i/76795311abb8e66dea8b48e64dc8b36c0ae0d0aed7d0a7b4c7fd89ce4cc4eb08/img48.jpg" /> Forest and sea <img width="352" height="420" width_o="352" height_o="420" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/07bc0ae82534d225d6cf98cdd5d828a7b9a465e816cbe20bcffb38d19ec15fc1/img117.jpg" data-mid="221927224" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/352/i/07bc0ae82534d225d6cf98cdd5d828a7b9a465e816cbe20bcffb38d19ec15fc1/img117.jpg" /><img width="667" height="414" width_o="667" height_o="414" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/05314aa4800572c5dfa792a7448000ed23b4ddf9e87aa98845e0a99e6d142577/img125.jpg" data-mid="221927258" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/667/i/05314aa4800572c5dfa792a7448000ed23b4ddf9e87aa98845e0a99e6d142577/img125.jpg" /> If the forest is the habitat of the soul, then the sea is the home of the wanderer. Rare seabirds were low in the sky, The moon showing half its face. The clouds are like the white breasts of swans, People running, laughing and crying. Day after day, year after year, Until the end of the world... Sometimes, the darkness extinguished the light of the clouds, Just like the distant dreams. Lonely old people, Lost middle-aged people, And the little ones, Who do not know what they are doing... Ways of Living #2404 Complexity and Contradiction in Ecology Lamu, 2024 Lion Henri TautzDownload PDF “Will we allow anthrax or cholera microbes to attain self-realization in wiping out sheep herds or human kindergartens? Will we continue to deny salmonella or botulism micro-organisms their equal rights when we process the dead carcasses of animal and plants that we eat?” (Chakrabarty 2021, 194)We meet in Hassan’s office on the first floor. Hassan is a community organizer, and he has arranged for us to speak with an Ustadh, a Muslim teacher and leader. My co-researcher has asked Hassan to set up the interview, and she has invited me to come along. Lamu is a majority Muslim community and before the Ustadh arrives, we chat with Hassan about the rules of Islam regarding the treatment of animals. The Ustadh, a man around 30 years old wearing a football jersey, feels most comfortable speaking in Kiswahili, so Hassan has volunteered to translate. Throughout, he also offers his own opinions at various points.<img width="4032" height="3024" width_o="4032" height_o="3024" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/2f1e46e7e4a197b2a43c9cac91a5457a3d72fc5c5a93fbb84ecc3abbb0c7196b/IMG_1211-2---Lion-Tautz.jpeg" data-mid="221924693" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/2f1e46e7e4a197b2a43c9cac91a5457a3d72fc5c5a93fbb84ecc3abbb0c7196b/IMG_1211-2---Lion-Tautz.jpeg" /> In the second half of the interview, after my co-researcher has asked her questions, we return to the topic of animals in Islam. The Ustadh explains that while the elders still follow the rules of the Qu’ran, younger people have lost their way and treat animals — from donkeys to ants — poorly. I ask if the rules extend to fish and Hassan takes a moment to explain something to me before translating: “Okay, let me tell you something. In the sea, Islamically, everything that comes from the sea is edible.”The Ustadh’s response is similar: “In the sea, there is no mistreatmeant. Because they're going there for fish, and fish is a meal. People will eat it, right?” In Lamu, a historically seafaring town on the shores of the Indian Ocean, “70 percent of the local population depends on artisanal fishing.” (Lesutis 2022, p. 2438) A hierarchy of beings begins to emerge, with (differentiated) humans on top and a value-gradient of animals below. What seems at first glance to be an instance of the double fracture laid out by Malcom Ferdinand in his book Decolonial Ecology is quickly qualified by the Ustadh: “In a killing of this animal or insect, there is a way of killing. Like, for instance, we cannot kill a mosquito for consumption, right? But it's just for prevention. Because if you don't take care, we'll get malaria.” Malaria is a serious illness and can be fatal — fracture or not, preventive action is necessary for health and survival.Still, I cannot shake the feeling that we have very different concepts of equality. Hassan explains that “we have rights, and animals have rights. So, it's equal. For Islam, it's very equal. You're not supposed to kill it without a reason. If you have a reason, you do it. […] That is Islam.” As a conscientious vegan, I want to think there is never a reason to kill a human or any other animal. One might reasonably ask what makes my drawing of the line between justified and condemnable in between plants and animals more valid than Hassan’s at the border in between animals and humans; I leave it to you, the reader, to consider this ethical quandary. No matter which version of equality you settle on, though, the Ustadh acknowledges that that is not how things are anyways: “We need to have equal rights for everything. But it is not practiced. It is only practiced to the direct benefit. […] Things are done for productivity. So, if something is not productive to me, I don't care about it. But there is a need for everything to be treated equally.” Haki Za Asili // Asili Kama RasilmaliRights Of Nature // Nature As Resource Tunahitaji kuwa na haki sawa wote, lakini hilo halijatiliwa maanani, halijatekelezwa -ila kutekelezwa tu Kwa manufaa ya kibinafsi. We need to have equal rights for all, but it’s not practiced — it’s only practiced to the direct benefit.— Ustadh / Islamic Teacher Tuna haki, wanyama pia Wana haki, Katika uisilamu, upo usawa. Hufai kuua bila sababu, labda kuwe na sababu tu.We have rights, and the animals have rights, so it is equal. For Islam, it is very equal. You’re not supposed to kill without a reason — if you have a reason, you do it. — Msimamizi wa Jamii / Community Organizer Cha kusikitisha samaki walio na thamani kubwa sana wamekuwa wahamaji. Pindi tu wanapo vuka mipaka waanaacha kuwa samaki wa hapa Kenya. Lakini wanapokuwa katika bahari yetu, ni haki yetu kutumia rasilimali hizo. Sadly still, the high-value fish species are migratory. The moment they cross the border, they are no longer Kenyan fish — but when they are in our waters, it is our right to utilize those resources. — Mtafiti wa Uhifadhi wa Bahari / Marine Conservationist Kama mwanaharahakati unapaswa kuwa na njia mbadala za kuelezea hisia zako. Iwapo unakuja hapa kuharibu Mikoko yetu, tutapaza sauti zetu — Pia tutatumia jukuwaa Hilo kuzielezea hisia zetu. Unajaua mbona umelifanya, sababu unatutenga, unatubagua na kutunyanyasa na haya ni maeneo yetu,uliyoyachukua kwa lazima. As an activist, you should always have a different formula of expressing your concern. So if you come here to destroy mangroves, we will raise our voice — but we will utilize that platform also to express our feelings: ‘You know why you did it, because you’re neglecting us, you’ve marginalized us, these are our areas, you took them by force.’ &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;— Mwanaharakati wa Mazingira / Environmental Activist Kwa mtazamo wangu kama mwanamazingira, Ni na Imani fika sehemu zote za asili ni sawa,zote zina haki ya kuwepo, zote zinafaa kufurahia maisha na uhuru wao — Kwa mtazamo wa jamii, Kuna utegemezi mkuu sana wa rasilimali, na kujiona bora zaidi wanafaa kufaidika na rasilimali hizo . From my point of view as an environmentalist, I obviously believe all parts of nature is equal, they all have a right to be there, they all deserve to enjoy their life and their freedom — but from the community point of view, since there is a high dependency on natural resources, they definitely see themselves as superior. They are supposed to be the ones benefitting from nature, but not nature benefitting from them.— Mtaalam wa Mazingira / Environmentalist Ways of Living #2405 Conflicting Scales and Ambitions: Kenya’s Blue Economy in Times of Environmental Decline Lamu, 2024 Leo Witzig Download PDF Mvuvi chake ni unga– the fishermen goes with the flour This Swahili proverb was quoted by a Lamu County executive committee member, who used it to explain the precarious situation of fishermen in Lamu today. &nbsp;According to him, “go with the flour” &nbsp;is translatable to the english proverb living from the hand to the mouth. Although fishing and fishing-related business is one of the main income sources of coastal communities in the Lamu archipelago, many fishers live day to day and with little means. In recent years, they have faced multiple challenges such as rising fuel prices and loss of access to good fishing grounds as a result of LAPSSET, a major regional infrastructure project. The health of fish populations and their ecosystems is under pressure from ocean warming, pollution, and illegal fishing practices, all of which damage the fish population and decrease overall biodiversity. While this description depicts a challenging situation, it is only a momentary state of a dynamic field. Starting a few years ago, connected through the term Blue Economy, a plethora of programs and policies where initiated, which should help the socioeconomic development of coastal communities while introducing measures to protect life in the ocean. The Kenyan government and external actors such as the World Wildlife Foundation, the World Bank and the European Union are mobilizing the term Blue Economy in their programs with the promise to uplift fishers from poverty, develop the market capacity and meanwhile ensure a better security and environmental protection in the coastal waters. Research goal The goal of this research was to understand the interplay of different programs and policies active in Lamu and their related ambitions and challenges.Therefore I approached the topic from two sides. On the one hand, I studied the context and ambitions of programs which use the term “Blue Economy” and the recent development of governing structures in the Kenyan maritime and costal domain. On the other hand, I conducted interviews with fishermen, NGO workers, and local government representatives in order to learn about the interests, lived experiences, and challenges faced in the implementation of different programs and policies. Interventions Current developments in the Blue Economy are heralded by stating their ambitions to help fisherfolk have more stable incomes, to protect the marine environment, and simultaneously increase production. This should be facilitated by creating alternative income sources for some, while providing others with boats big enough to exploit the fish resources further out in the EEZ (Exclusive Economic Zone). Meanwhile, the fisherfolk practicing near coast fishing should participate in the management of the co-managed areas, in which temporary closures allow the fish population to recover.&nbsp; Co-managed areas are relatively nascent and although often mentioned as a key part of the solution, they are still far from a common sight. Offshore fishing is often spoken of, but so far the Lamu Archipelago lacks the cooling infrastructure to even support the current catch. Though many plans exist and large sums of funding have been invested, most of the fishermen still go with the flour. &nbsp; New Markets What will come with quite high certainty is a new landing site with cold storage capacities, an adjacent marketplace and processing plant for fish and seafood in Mokowe. This will help to build the aspired deep sea capacity and, thanks to more direct access to the international market, likely increase potential profits. Whether boat owners will stay as intermediaries or whether government initiatives to give the fisherfolk access to sell directly in the market remains to be seen when it is built. Conflicting with the hope to get the now too numerous fisherfolk to find other occupations, the potential higher incomes enabled through this new market access combined with the scarcity of other job opportunities could have an adverse effect. Ultimately, while changing the sector might take some time, overfishing and ocean warming induced changes are accelerating. Coral bleaching related to the 2023-2024 El Niño has shown how sensitive the coral ecosystem reacts to temperature changes. On top of that, the environmental impact the further construction and operation of the LAPSSET Port will put additional stress on the ecosystems. Outlook Since leaving Lamu in May 2024, compensation for livelihood loss caused by the first part of the LAPSSET Port construction was finally paid, after many years of waiting. This spurs hopes that fishermen will be able to invest in alternative income sources or their own equipment to reduce the dependencies on boat owners as middle men. In June 2024, massive protests against the new financial bill, which would have further increased gas prices, have forced President William Ruto to renounce the bill and replace his entire board of ministers. I conducted my research in a moment when many things were changing, on different scales at different speeds. What comes of it remains to be observed in the future. https://lamufutures.net/Ngamba-Plastic Thu, 24 Oct 2024 18:26:03 +0000 Lamu Futures https://lamufutures.net/Ngamba-Plastic Ng'amba // Plastic Through the stories of local residents, our documentary film “Ng'amba: Maji yakishamwagika hayazoleki tena” (Once Water Has Been Spilled, It Cannot Be Recovered) delves into the impacts of plastic waste on the community and its environment.&nbsp; It highlights the challenges in waste management, the local initiatives for handling plastics such as PET, and the economic inequalities that complicate these efforts. The films aims to raise awareness about the complex, global nature of plastic pollution and its local impact on Lamu island. Authors Ahmed Adhan Ruth LoziNadja NievergeltHenning Weiss Projects Ng'amba // Plastic #2408 The Lifecycle of Disposability: Perspectives from Lamu Lamu, 2024 Nadja Nievergelt Download PDF What is truly disposable? This seemingly simple question reveals more than meets the eye. It is a question that relates to what we consider less important, less valuable, and less necessary. It encourages us to reflect on the ease with which we grant both material and immaterial things worthlessness. How is it that we view certain objects and even people as disposable, and what are the wider consequences of this disposability? In contemporary western discourse there is frequent dialogue surrounding our consumer society, which is tied the desire to purchase new things, use, and then dispose of them, turning these objects into waste (Crocker 2012, 1,2; Goodwin et al. 2008, 1,4). That moment of an object turning into waste is often when the object is considered somebody else’s problem (Crocker 2012, 1). Waste is out of sight and out of mind (Barnes 2019, 1), encapsulated by the NIMBY syndrome meaning “Not in my back yard”&nbsp;(Dalzero 2021, 207). But the question is in whose back yard then? Who must carry the burden of disposability? Working alongside two members of the Lamu Youth Alliance and a fellow student from the University of Basel, we immersed ourselves in the community's approach to plastic waste and the lives of waste pickers. As we learnt our way through the everyday landscape of discarded materials, the question of what we throw away and why stayed present in my mind during both the research and writing phases of this project. In Lamu, the discarded pieces of plastic felt like a reflection of the cultural, economic, and historical complexity of the island, showing how deeply the concept of disposability is entangled in local and global life. To delve deeper into the topic surrounding waste, particularly plastic waste and waste workers in the context of Lamu, I was inspired by Lucy Bell’s paper “Place, People, and Processes in Waste Theory: A Global South Critique” (Bell 2019). In it she critiques the fact that traditional waste theories predominantly take European and US-centered perspectives that often ignore the realities of the Global South (Ibid, 99-100). These theories usually assume a physical and ideological distance from waste, which is not the case in many communities in the Global South including, from my observations, Lamu (Ibid, 101). Waste is present, it is visible and so are those who work with it. For countless people in places like Lamu, waste is an immediate, everyday presence that affects and shapes their lives in profound ways. Bell's critique guided me to fulfil her call to understand waste from the perspective of those who live with, on, and beside it (Bell 2019, 98). &nbsp; Plastic boys During our research, I found the story of a local plastic waste collector, Jassim, whose daily work is often stigmatized and overlooked, particularly touching (Issa Interview 2024). We shadowed Jassim in Lamu's newly built India quarter, where he gathers waste for pickup by Flipflopi, a local waste management group. India, unlike the well-kept parts of Lamu Town, relies heavily on local waste pickers like Jassim. As we began our interview, a group of young men laughingly called out to him “Rastaman”, a term which then characterized the conversation we were about to begin. Jassim shared insights that reveal not only his daily and economic struggles, but also the broader societal attitudes towards his waste work and subsequent marginalization and stigmatization: “Young people feel ashamed to collect these things; they feel embarrassed to be seen collecting these things; they feel they look like me”,&nbsp; he remarked, his voice steady, but reflecting the burden of the societal scrutiny he is regularly facing[ML1] . Derogatory remarks like “Rastaman is crazy” further illustrate a belief system that equates waste collecting with madness or failure, ignoring its environmental significance and its societal value. In areas on Lamu’s outskirts, where no governmental waste workers are present (Lee Fieldnotes 2024a), Jassim’s role is vital yet stigmatized. This reflects a broader prejudice towards certain types of labor also seen globally, where waste work is often labeled as “dirty” or “impoverished”, the work of those who “lack economic resources” or “prospects”, closely associated with the waste they collect or even equated with the waste itself (Kornberg 2020, 148; Vázquez 2016, 127; Porras Bulla, Rendon, and Espluga Trenc 2021, 1303). Jassim’s story raises important questions about the wider implications of waste, disposability, and invisibility. The stigma associated with what is often viewed as “dirty work” is not only physical, but also societal and moral, deeply impacting those who manage waste (Meiu 2020, 225-26). Meiu’s analysis highlights how plastic boys are marginalized not just for their economic status but also for handling the foreign and culturally degrading plastic objects. Both plastic boys and waste workers, through their association with plastic, confront judgments tied to the broader implications of disposability and societal invisibility. This exploration into the lives of various waste workers in Lamu not only highlights the stigmatization they face, but also forces us to acknowledge and recognize their essential but overlooked contribution to our daily lives and the wellbeing of our environment. It prompts us to re-examine our notions of what constitutes valuable labor and challenges the origins of these ideas. By examining how waste is viewed as disposable, we see a parallel to how people who work with waste are similarly viewed as tainted by their association with the objects they handle. However, this stigma seems to vary depending on the context, history, and type of waste handled, suggesting that the stigma attached to waste work is not uniform, but is influenced by these factors. <img width="4160" height="6240" width_o="4160" height_o="6240" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/6045b07f9d981b39e1e3824301b8f2472ec44d50654a2b57b97aee2cb3d7d2b8/Ng-amba.jpeg" data-mid="220270455" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/6045b07f9d981b39e1e3824301b8f2472ec44d50654a2b57b97aee2cb3d7d2b8/Ng-amba.jpeg" />